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RADER'S REVISED 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI 



FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRESENT. 



BY 

PERRY S. RADER. 



THE HUGH STEPHENS PRINTING COMPANY. 

JEFFERSON CITT, MO. 



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i JUL 31 90/' ^ ' ' ^ 



COPY ' y. i; 



Entered according to act of Congress, by 

PERRY S. RADER. 

In the oince of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 

1904. 



CONTENTS 



History of Missouri. 



PART I.— FRENCH AND SPANISH PERIODS. 
Chapters. Page. 

I .—Discoveries 356 

\ II.— The First Settlements 362 

III.— Spanish rule 366 

PART II. -TERRITORIAL PERIOD 
Chapters. Page. 

I.— The Louisiana Purchase 375 

II.— Missouri's First years as a Territory 379 

III.— Exploring Expeditions 384 

IV.— The New Madrid Earthquake 386 

V . -Other Settlements 388 . 

PART III. -MISSOURI AS A STATE. 
xJhapters. Page. 

I .—The Admission of Missouri into the Union 400 

II.— First years as a State 409 

III.— Bates and Miller— 1824-32 415 

I v.— Governor Dunklin's Administration— 1832-36 421 

v.— Governor Boggs and Mormon Troubles. .' 426 

VI.— The Administration of Reynolds and Marmaduke 433 

VII.— The Administrations of Governors Edwards and King 439 

VIII.— Benton and the Jackson Resolutions 449 

IX.— From 1852 to 1860 453- 

X.— The Election of 1860 467 

XI.-The First Months of 1861 471 

XII.— The Convention 478 

XIII.— The Arsenal and Camp Jackson 483 

XIV.— Boonville, Carthage and Cowskin Prairie 495 

XV.— The Battle of Wilson's Creek 501 

XVI.— The Last Months ofl861 506 

XVII.— From 1862 to 1864 510 

XVIII.— The Administration of Governor Fletcher 522 

XIX.— McClurg'8 Administration 533 

XX.— The Administration of Governor Brown. . 537 

XXI.— Governors Woodson and Hardin 544 

XXII .—From 1877 to 1892 553 

XXIII.— From 1892 to the Present time 561 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



PART I. 

FRENCH AND SPANISH PERIOD 



CHAPTER I. 

DISCOVERIES. 

1. The First White Man.— The first white man to 
put foot on the soil of Missouri was Hernando De Soto, in 
1 541. De Soto was a Spaniard. He had been with Pizarro 
in the conquest of Peru, and had returned from his bucca- 
neering ventures there to Spain with a fortune of a half mil- 
lion dollars. Hearing of the wonders of Florida and the 
country beyond it, that it abounded in gold and precious 
stones, he was fired with a passion for its conquest, and ob- 
tained permission from the king to fit out an expedition for 
this purp'ose at his own expense. It was more like a royal 
pageant than an exploring party. His force consisted of six 
hundred followers, twenty officers, and twenty-four ecclesi- 
astics, all gorgeously arrayed in splendid armour. He landed 
in great pomp at Tampa bay in 1539, and driving a great 
number of cattle and hogs before him for food for his men, 

(356) 



DISCOVERIES. 357 

proceeded west. The Indians and forests interposed. His 
followers were not trained to overcome the hardships of 
either. Some were killed by the Indians, and others died 
from sickness. No gold was found. The Indians told him 
of fabulous amounts of it to be had on the Mississippi river. 
He pressed forward and reached the river near Memphis, 
Tennessee, in 1541, and pursued his way north into the 
region now known as New Madrid county in our own State. 
He then moved west, crossed the Ozark mountains, and 
spent the winter on the prairies and plains beyond, all the 
time searching for gold and silver, but finding none. He 
moved southward into Arkansas, reached Hot Springs and 
White river, and then came back to the Mississippi, where 
he died in the spring of 1542. The Indians believed him to 
be the Son of the Sun, who could not die. His priests, to 
conceal his death, therefore, wrapped his body in a mantle, 
sunk it at night in the great river he had discovered, and 
chanted over it the first requiem ever heard in the Mississippi 
valley. *The wanderer," says Bancroft, "had marched over 
a large part of the continent in search of gold, and found 
nothing so remarkable as his burying place." Most of his 
followers perished before they reached Spain. 

2. French Explorations. — The Spanish, however, were 
not the first settlers. On the contrary, they did nothing 
toward colonizing Missouri, and it was two hundred and 
twenty years after De Soto's death till they again appeared 
on this territory. Even the part they then took was unim- 
portant. In the meantime the French, moved by a desire of 
doing missionary work among the Indians and enticed by the 
profitable fur trade, had pushed many hundred miles further 
west than had the English settlers along the Atlantic coast; 



358 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

had, from their homes in Canada, penetrated the forests 
around the Great Lakes, made several explorations of the 
Mississippi, and taken possession of the country in the name 
of France. The first of these expeditions was in 1673, by 
James Marquette. He belonged to a noble • family of the 
beautiful old cathedral city of Laon in France. He was a 
kind of soldier-priest, and it was in the spirit of a mission- 
ary to the Indians that he and Louis Joliet, with five other 
men, left Quebec, which was then a French colony, and began 
a toilsome journey toward the Southwest. They discovered 
the upper Mississippi, and passed down it to the mouth of 
the Arkansas. 

3. La Salle and the French Title.^In 1682 La Salle, 
another Frenchman from Quebec, explored the Mississippi 
to its mouth, and formally took possession of the whole coun- 
try in the name of Louis XIV., the reigning King of France, 
in whose honor he called the country Louisiana. All the lead- 
ing nations 'of Europe at that time held to the principle that 
the nation that discovered and explored a great river and 
established any considerable and permanent settlement near 
its mouth became the owner of all the country drained by that 
river and all its tributaries. The King of France made known 
to the world that he claimed the whole country drained by 
the Mississippi and its tributaries by virtue of La Salle's dis- 
coveries and within a few years permanent French settlements 
were begun at Natchez, New Orleans and at other points 
along the Mississippi, and hence France became the owner 
of the whole country. As the country now called Missouri 
was drained by the Mississippi and its tributaries, it was a 
part of Louisiana, and our soil first belonged to France. 
De Soto as the representative of Spain had long before that 



DISCOVERIES. 



359 



explored the great river and visited this territory, yet he made 
no settlement anywhere in the Mississippi valley, and hence 
Spain had no title to the soil. 

4. The Name Missouri. — Most of the early French 
settlements were on the east bank of the Mississippi, but in 

1705 a prospecting- party of 
Frenchmen ascended the Mis- 
souri river to where Kansas 
City is now situated. This 
was the first ascent of this 
noble river by white men. It 
was first called Pek-i-ta-nou-i, 
by Marquette, which is an In- 
dian word meaning "muddy 
water." About 171 2 it was 
first called Missouri, from the 
name of a tribe of Indians 
<i^ whoi inhabited the country at 
its mouth and along a consid- 
erable portion of its banks. 
ROBERT CAVALIER DE LA SALLE, -phere is no authority for the 

often repeated assertion that "Missouri means muddy." This 
definition of the word was given it after the name of the 
river was changed from Pekitanoui to Missouri. 

5. Interior Explorations. — An exploration of the in- 
terior of Missouri by the French was begun in 1719. The 
authorities at New Orleans ordered the expedition, and De 
Dutisne was placed in charge of it. He started with his force 
from the mouth of Saline river, a stream about seventy miles 
south of St. Louis. He moved northwest across the Ozark 




360 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

mountains to the Osage river, near which he came upon a 
village occupied by Osage Indians, containing about one hun- 
dred cabins and huts. One hundred and twenty miles further 
west he found two other large villages, inhabited by Poncas 
Indians, who seemed to own many horses. He returned by 
way of the Missouri river, and took formal possession of 
the country by erecting posts with the king's arms thereon. 
After this expedition the daring Frenchmen ventured into the 
forests for purposes of hunting, trading and mining. The 
rapidity with which they came excited the jealousy 'of the 
Spanish, who still claimed the country. 

6. The Spanish Caravan. — The Spanish authorities 
determined to destroy the power of the French along the 
Missouri and Mississippi. In 1720 they organized a motley 
troop at Santa Fe, to which was given the name of "The 
Spanish Caravan." It moved across the plains and entered 
the Missouri country. Its leader had been informed that the 
Pawnee Indians were friends of the Spanish and enemies of 
the French and Missouris. He directed his guides to lead 
him to the Pawnee camp. Instead of doing so, they led 
him to the camp of the Missouris. There he told the Mis- 
souri chief of his intention to kill all of his tribe and exter- 
minate the French. The chief heard him with silence, treated 
the caravan with hospitality, summoned his warriors, and while 
the Spanish supposed they were in the midst of their friends, 
fell upon them and exterminated the whole caravan, except 
one priest who alone survived to tell the tale. 

7. Fort Orleans. — The boldness of the Spanish Cara- 
van induced the French to send a force up the Missouri. It 
built a fort somewhere along the river, and called it Fort 
Orleans. Its exact location is not definitelv known. But it 



DISCOVERIES. 361 

is certain that it was within a few miles of the mouth of 
Grand river, and probably either on an island in the Missouri 
or within the limits of what is now Carroll county. De 
Bourgmont of Mobile was in command of this force. At this 
time a general Indian war was being waged, which greatly 
interfered with the fur trade. To remedy this, Bourgmont 
undertook to make peace among the Indians. He succeeded 
in holding a council of their chiefs, on the Kansas river, where 
the pipe was smoked, and a general peace was concluded. 
Soon after this Fort Orleans was destroyed and the garrison 
massacred, probably by the Missouris, who were always 
troublesome to the whites, but this point is in doubt. The 
fur trade went on, but so far there had been no permanent 
settlement within the present limits of Missouri. 

Questions on Chapter I. 

1. Who was the first white man in Missouri? (i) 

2. Describe De Soto's journey, (i) 

3. What great river did he discover? (i) 

4. Mention some French explorations. (2) 

5. What is said of Marquette? (2) 

6. Who named Louisiana? (3) 

7. In honor of what king was it named? (3) 

8. Upon what did European nations base title in the New 
World? (3) 

9. What did France do to perfect LaSalle's discoveries? (3) 

10. Why was not Spain's claim good? (3) 

11. Where were the French settlements? (4) 

12. When was the Missouri river named? (4) 

13. What did Marquette call it? (4) 

14. Does Missouri mean "muddy?" (4) 

15. When was the interior of Missouri first explored? (5) 
Describe them. (5) 

16. Describe the Spanish Caravan. (6) 

17. What is said of Fort Orleans? (7) 



CHAPTER II. 

THE FIRST SETTLEMENTS. 

8. The First Permanent Settlement. — The first place 
settled in Missouri was Ste. Genevieve (pronounced Jen-e- 
veev) in about 1735. It was about three miles from the 
present town of that name on the Mississippi river, sixty 
miles below St. Louis. For some time daring and hardy 
Frenchmen had been gathering in and around Kaskaskia, a 
settlement in Illinois, until at this time it had about six thous- 
and people. Most of them had come in search of gold and 
silver. Some of them, under Renault, a wealthy and exten- 
sive miner, crossed over into Missouri in search of these 
metals. They found none, but they did find lead in abund- 
ance. Furnaces were prepared for smelting, and it was con- 
veyed in boats to New Orleans, and then to France. In 1785 
the old town was destroyed by flood, and the site of the present 
town was selected. Many settlers came from the east side of 
the Mississippi, and the town soon become an important trad- 
ing point. 

9. The Next Settlement. — The next settlement of any 
consequence was St. Louis. Its founder was Laclede, whose 
name has since been given to many business institutions in 
the State. His full name was Pierre Laclede Ligueste, but 
he was more generally known as Pierre Laclede. He was a 
man of great business sagacity. In 1762 he and some as- 
sociates obtained from D'Abbadie a monopoly of the fur trade 
with the Indians of Missouri. D'Abbadie was the civil and mil- 

(362) 



THE FIRST SETTIvEMENTS. 363 

itar}^ commander of Louisiana, and exercised a vice-regal au- 
thority. Laclede explored the regions along the Mississippi in 
search of the best point at which to establish a trading post and 
sell goods. His keen commercial sense directed him to a bluff 
on the west side of the river. Here on the spot not far from 
where the court house now stands, on the south side of Market 
street, which took its name from the only market house the 
city contained for sixty years, die cleared away the heavy 
timber and erected his trading post, in February, 1764. This 
was the beginning of St. Louis. Laclede was right. It was 
the best place for trade then. It is the best now. 

10. St. Charles.— The first settlement in St. Charles 
was made by Blanchette, *'the hunter," about the time St. 
Louis was founded, and was called Village des Cotes (the 
village of the hills). It was the first settlement north of the 
Missouri river. Most of the Indian wars, massacres and ad- 
ventures which attended the early settlements of the State, 
took place here. It was here the first forts were built, and 
here the renowned Indian chief, Black Hawk, made his first 
efforts against the whites. 

11. Missouri Transferred to Spain. — About this time 
ended French rule in Missouri. The battle of Quebec, in 
which had met the chivalrous Montcalm and the noble Wolfe, 
the one commanding the intrepid French and the other the 
invincible English, had been fought more than four years be- 
fore. It was the end of a contest between these two peoples 
for the possession of America. It was decided in favor of the 
English, and the decision marks an epoch in the progress of 
civil liberty. France, by a treaty ratified at Fontainbleau in 
^7^2i^ gave up all her territory in America — the Canadas, and 
all that part of Louisiana east of the Mississippi, except New 



364 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

Orleans, to England; and New Orleans and all the country 
west of the river to Spain, as an indemnification for her losses 
in the war. England thus acquired rule over the east side of 
the river before Laclede had settled in St. Louis, but Mis- 
souri belonged to Spain. England at no time before or after 
this was entitled to Missouri's soil. Because of the long war 
between England and France, the settlers along the upper 
Mississippi valley, most of whom were Frenchmen, greatly 
disliked the idea of being subject to England. It was thought 
Spain could never exercise dominion over her newly acquired 
territory, and hence many of them crossed over the river into 
Missouri. This will explain why the population increased so 
rapidly for the next few years, and why it was mostly French, 
although governed by Spain. 

12. St. Ange's Rule. — Although the title to Louisiana 
was now in Spain, the officers of that nation did not succeed 
in formally taking possession of the country till 1770. Soon 
after the treaty was signed, St. Ange de Bellerive, who was 
commander for the French in Illinois, surrendered his author- 
ity to Captain Sterling, the representative of England, and 
settled in St. Louis. He was followed by many of the French 
settlers east of the river. By common consent, and probably 
by permission of the government at New Orleans, he was 
made the commander of the settlement. He was a wise and 
safe ruler. 

13. St. Ange and Pontiac. — St. Ange and the settlers 
were enemies of English rule, and friends to England's ene- 
mies. They were admirers and supporters of Pontiac, a power- 
ful Indian chief, who was the terror of the whites from the 
Atlantic to the Mississippi. Pontiac, aided by the Frenc4i, 
among them some of the settlers along the Mississippi, had 



THE FIRST SETTI.EMENTS. 365 

met a strong English army at Pittsburg under Braddock and 
George Washington, and disastrously defeated it. St. Ange 
invited Pontiac to visit him, which he did. He was enter- 
tained with great distinction at the house of Madame Chouteau 
and was visited by the principal citizens. But when France lost 
her possessions in America, Pontiac thereby lost his greatest 
support. His allies among the Indians soon afterwards for- 
sook him. He was crushed in spirit and sought to drown his 
sorrow in intoxicating drink. He visited Cahokia, a town 
about six miles below St. Louis, in what is now Illinois, richly 
dressed in robes adorned with eagles' feathers. Becoming 
stupefied by drink, he wandered into a thicket near the place, 
and was there assassinated by a Kaskaskia Indian, who was 
hired by an English trader and received a barrel of whisky 
for the murder. St. Ange had his body brought to St. Louis 
and buried at the intersection of Walnut and Fourth streets, 
close by where the great Southern Hotel now stands. Near his 
grave St. Ange was buried in after years. Houses are there 
now, and it is known by few that the great Pontiac and the 
good St. Ange lie in unmarked graves in the midst of the 
great city. 

Questions on Chapter II. 

1. Where was the first permanent settlement in Missouri? (8) 

2. What is said of Renault and his followers? (8) 

3. When and by whom was St. Louis settled? (9) 

4. What is said of St. Charles? (10) 

5. What is said of the battle of Quebec? (11) 

6. What did France get by the Fontainbleau treaty? (11) 

7. What did Spain get? (11) 

8. Why did the French settlers in Illinois come to Missouri? 

(II) 

9. What did St. Ange do? (12) 

ID. What is said of St. Ange and Pontiac? (13) 



CHAPTER III. 

SPANISH RULE. 

14. First Spanish Ruler. — The first Spanish Lieuten- 
ant-Governor, acting as a subordinate in most things to the 
Governor at New Orleans, was Don Pedro Piernas. The 
people regretted to see the flag of France lowered, and even 
shed tears when they realized that they were to be ruled by 
one of a different blood and nation from themselves. But 
their regrets did not last long. Piernas was a mild and safe 
ruler. He made few laws, and they were just and easily obeyed. 
He appointed St. Ange captain of his infantry and filled 
nearly all the subordinate offices with Frenchmen. He began 
systematic surveys of the lands and appointed a Frenchman 
surveyor. He further publicly confirmed all the land grants 
made by St. Ange between the time of the transfer of the 
territory from France to Spain in 1763, and the beginning of 
the Spanish rule in 1770, which grants would of course have 
been illegal had he not confirmed them. He finally won the 
entire confidence of the people by marrying a French lady, 
so that after they had known him for five years they again 
shed tears to give him up. He had found a population of 891, 
most of which was confined to St. Louis and Ste. Genevieve. 
The people were mostly French, and few of them could read 
or write. There were no schools and very little desire for 
any. But the people were honest, industrious and peaceable. 
Indeed, during the entire Spanish period of thirty-eight years, 
only one case of murder of a white man by a white man in 
St. Louis is reported. 

(366) 



Spanish RtrtE, 367 

15. The Soil and Settler. — The soil at that time was 
covered with thick forests or rank prairie grass, filled with 
all kinds of game and inhabited by Indians who lived in wig- 
wams and hunted and fished for subsistence. The French 
settlers were possessed of an aptitude for easy and peaceable 
intercourse with the natives. They studied their language, 
took part in their sports, adapted themselves to their usages, 
humored their whims, and never ridiculed their religious ideas. 
Often the settler, of plastic temper, with a free-and-easy man- 
ner, would decorate his hair with eagle feathers, attach hairy 
fringes to his hunting shirt, and mix and mingle with the 
Indians as if they were his equal. And for these reasons, and 
because the French did not attempt to extensively cultivate 
the lands, there were fewer Indian wars in the early settle- 
ment of Missouri than in many of the other States. 

16. Houses and Ownership of Lands. — The land was 
owned largely by tenancy in common. The settlements had 
each a common in the rear of the houses, inclosing hundreds 
of acres under one fence for the benefit of all. But the settle- 
ments themselves were compact villages, for the settlers were 
sociable and loved to congregate together. Nearly all the 
early ones were along some river. A long street usually ex- 
tended parallel to it. The land along it was divided into lots 
a few rods wide and perhaps twice as long. On these the 
houses were built, which were usually one story high, con- 
structed of corner posts and studs, to which were attached 
numerous cross-ties. Then a stiff mortar, made of mud and 
cut straw, was plastered on to the outside. The roof was 
shingled with bark or clapboards. The chimney was the cele- 
brated "stick-and-dirt chimney." It was made of rock and 
burnt clay to some distance above the intense heat of the fire, 



368 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

and from that distance was finished with alternate pieces of 
wood and clay plaster. The floors were made of logs with the 
upper roundness hewn flat, or of split logs, the flat sides of 
which were turned up, and, by notching in the ends, were thus 
put on a level. These were called puncheon floors. The 
doors were hung on wooden hinges. Back of each house was 
a field, 192 feet wide and 7,800 feet long, containing about 
thirty- four acres. Each villager had one or more of these fields 
assigned to him, according to his desires, or the necessities of 
his family. Next to the fields was the common, stocked with 
cattle, hogs and horses, the property of all. 

17. Social Relations. — Hospitality was a duty and a 
virtue. Each house was a free hotel to the extent of its ca- 
pacity. Amusements, festivals and holidays were frequent. 
There were no statutory laws ; no trades, nor professions ; no 
courts, no prisons. The priests were their instructors and 
judges in all matters of learning and religion. In politics 
they were attached to France, and were not anxious about any 
political questions, believing that France ruled the world and 
ruled it right. 

18. Settlement of Disputes. — There were no trials by 
jury during either the French or Spanish period. This great 
bulwark of English liberty — ^perhaps the distinctive charac- 
teristic of their government wherever the English race has 
spread — had no sv/ay till after Missouri was acquired by the 
United States. If one wished to recover property, or had 
committed a crime, the matter was submitted to a judge, who 
decided as he understood the law and merits of the cause, 
or as his prejudices directed him. 

19. British and Indian Attack. — We have now come 
to the time of the Revolutionary War, which though fraught 



SPANISH RUI.E. 369 

with very great consequences, yet disturbed these sturdy set- 
tlers very Httle. They were French subjects of Spain, and the 
war was fought by England and her subjects. These settlers, 
removed a thousand miles from the scene of the war, therefore, 
took no part in it, except as did Spain and France, to sympa- 
thize with the Colonies and wish for their success. In 1778 
Virginia sent out General George Rogers Clark, who cap- 
tured the British settlements in Illinois, such as Kaskaskia 
and Cahokia. The British undertook, soon after this, a com- 
prehensive movement for the expulsion of the Spanish from 
the Mississippi Valley. The plan was first to capture St. 
Louis, recapture the towns taken by General Clark, and then 
move down the river to New Orleans. In a spirit of generous 
chivalry. General Clark offered his force to Governor DeLey- 
ba, a cowardly, drunken, weak-minded Spaniard, who, in 1778, 
had succeeded Cruzat as lieutenant-governor. DeLeyba as- 
sured him there was no need of his aid, and it was therefore 
refused. The people, however, began a series of fortifica- 
tions, and constructed a rude wall, which extended around 
the city and down to the river. Four or five months passed 
and nothing happened. But, on the twenty-sixth of May, 
1780, a force of 150 whites and 1,500 Indians gathered in the 
woods around St. Louis, and first captured two citizens where 
the fair grounds are now situated, and which at that time were 
outside the wall. The hostile force proceeded at once to the 
attack. In doing so they intercepted several citizens, some of 
whom they killed, others escaped and alarmed the town. The 
fort had a few cannons, and the people were well supplied with 
small firearms. With these they made a spirited and deter- 
mined resistance. The Indians were terrified by the cannons 

24 



37<^ historv of Missouri. 

and withdrew. Fifty-eight of the settlers had been killed, 
and several others taken prisoners. During the battle De- 
Leyba, the lieutenant-governor, was aroused from a drunken 
carousal by the sound of the artillery. He at once ordered 
the firing to cease. Some of the inhabitants did not hear 
the order, and continued to fire. He then directed the can- 
nons to be turned on them, which was done. This so in- 
furiated the people that his removal was requested of the 
governor of Louisiana. He died within a month, from suicide, 
despised by every one as a traitor. Cruzat, whom he had two 
years before succeeded, was again appointed lieutenant-gover- 
nor. 

20. Cruzat and Pirates. — Cruzat had succeeded Pier- 
nas as lieutenant-governor, in 1775. His first term lasted till 
1778, and was modeled after that of his wise predecessor. His 
second term, which began in 1780 and lasted till 1787, was 
mild and prosperous. A census, taken in 1785, shows a 
population of about 1,500 for all Missouri, which number 
was swelled to 2,100 by another census of 1788. This in- 
crease was largely due to the high waters of the Mississippi, 
which overflowed much of Kaskaskia and Cahokia, and caused 
some of the inhabitants of those towns to cross over into 
Missouri. To such a height did the angry waters rise that 
1785 was long afterwards known as *'the year of the great 
water." While Cruzat was lieutenant-governor, the trade of 
the Mississippi was much impaired by pirates. Grand Tower 
is a large column of rock situated about midway between St. 
Louis and the mouth of the Ohio. Here a large band of 
pirates collected and would capture and pillage passing boats, 
appropriate their cargoes, and kill their crews. These dep- 
redations went on until 1788, and many a daring robbery and 



SPANISH RUI.E. 371 

foul murder was committed. Other portions of Ihe river were 
also infested. That year, however, the governor at New Or- 
leans ordered all boats traveling on the river to go together. 
By this means their combined strength was too much for the 
pirates, and they were dispersed and never afterwards heard 
of. 

21. Shawnees and Delawares. — In 1787, Manuel Perez 
came into office. During his administration, bands of Shaw- 
nees and Delawares, driven by the advancement of the whites 
from beyond the Alleghanies and from Ohio and Kentucky, 
settled near Ste. Genevieve and Cape Girardeau. Here they 
remained for thirty-five years, till 1825, when they were re- 
quired to move still further westward. Although in the country 
north of the Ohio and in their frequent raids into Kentucky 
they had been the bloodiest of savages, after they settled in 
Missouri they were peaceable and industrious and never quar- 
reled with the whites of these regions. They became useful to 
them as hunters and small farmers, and were established in 
small settlements close to the whites as an intervention be- 
tween them and more unfriendly tribes further west. In after 
years one of these Shawnee cjiiefs is said to have addressed 
these words to General Harrison : **You call us your children ; 
why do you not make us happy as our fathers, the French, 
did ? They never took from us our lands ; indeed they were 
in common between us. They planted where they pleased, 
and cut wood where they pleased. So did we. But now, if 
a poor Indian attempts to take a little bark from a tree to 
cover him from the rain, up comes a white man and threatens 
to shoot him, claiming the tree as his own." The honorable 
conduct of the French settlers toward the Indians is a part 
of Missouri history which admits of just pride. 



37^ HISTORY OP MISSOURI. 

22. From 1793 to 1804. — In 1793 Trudeau came mto 
office, and in 1799 he was succeeded by Delassus (De-la-su) 
the last of the Spanish commandants. Aside from the "hard 
winter" of 1798-1799 and the ''small-pox" of 1801, there are 
but two important facts to consider. They explain the rapid 
increase of the population which in 1800 arose to about six 
thousand, and in 1803 to about ten thousand, and also why 
nearly all of the increase was English instead of French. ( i ) 
By a voluntary grant from Virginia, Congress in 1784 ac- 
quired all the soil north of the Ohio river known as the 
Northwest Territory, and in 1787 passed a law prohibiting 
slavery therein. Hence many of the settlers in that territory 
who owned slaves came to Missouri, and many others from the 
slave States sought homes where the law did not apply. (2) 
The other cause was the liberal terms upon which the im- 
migrant could obtain soil west of the Mississippi. In 1796 
the English of Canada threatened an invasion of Upper 
Louisiana. The Spanish authorities conceived themselves 
under the necessity of strengthening their settlements for de- 
fense. They argued that the hostility of the people of the 
United States toward England would prove a sufficient guar- 
anty of their fidelity to Spain. Hence lands were freely offered 
to all such settlers as would pay the office fees and expenses 
of surveying. By these terms one could get eight hundred 
acres of land of his own choosing for about fifty dollars, al- 
most entirely free from subsequent taxes. In making these 
grants no favoritism was shown Catholics as against Protest- 
ants, and the king gave orders that the people were not to be 
disturbed in the exercise of their religion. 

23. General Conditions. — Such in brief is the history 
of Spanish rule in Missouri. It was, for the most part, brave, 



SPANISH RULE. 373 

manly and wise. The people were far away from the civiliza- 
tion of the world, in the very heart of a continent inhabited by 
savages, with only a few settlements by white persons within 
a thousand miles of them. They were free from taxation, 
free from the tyranny and interference of a foreign king. 
Yet the amicable terms they maintained with the Indians, 
and the orderly government they held over themselves with- 
out laws or juries, and almost without officers of any kind, 
enlist at once our admiration and hold our serious thought. 
So that we do not wonder that, when the country was trans- 
ferred to the United States in 1804, **few of the French and 
part of the English- Americans only were reconciled to the 
change, though they never manifested any discontent." 

24. Population. — Another census, taken in 1800, gives 
the population of St. Louis at 925 ; of St. Charles, at 875 ; 
of Ste. Genevieve, at 949; of New Madrid, at 782, and the 
entire population of Missouri at 6,028. Of this number 4,948 
were whites, 197 free colored, and 883 slaves. Nearly four 
years later when the territory was transferred to the United 
States, it had increased to 9,020 whites and 1,300 colored, 
most of the latter being slaves. 

Questions on Chapter III. 

1. Who was the first lieutenant-governor? (14) 

2. What is said of his administration? (14) 

3. What is said of the people? (14) 

4. Describe the soil and the settler. (15) 

5. How was the land owned? (16) 

6. Describe the settlements, (16) 

7. Describe the houses. (16) 

8. What was the size of each settler's field? (16) 

9. And what was the common? (16) 

10. What is said of the social condition of the people? (17) 



374 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

11. How did they settle disputes? (i8) 

12. Describe the British attack on St. Louis. (19) 

13. Who was the second lieutenant-governor? (20) 

14. Who was commandant before him? (19) 

15. Who was the third lieutenant-governor, and the fourth, 
and the term of each? (20) 

16. What is said about pirates on the Mississippi? (20) 

17. What is said of the Indians? (21) 

18. What were the two principal events of the last twelve years 
of Spanish rule? (22) 

19. Who were the commandants during this time? (22) 

20. What is said of the Spanish rule? (23) 

21. What was the entire population in 1804? (24) 



PART II. 

TERRITORIAL PERIOD. 



CHAPTER I. 



THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE. 

25. The Situation. — By the treaty of 1763 Spain ac- 
quired all the country west of the Mississippi and the island 
on which New Orleans is situated, and still owned them at 
the close of the eighteenth century. But events which startled 
the world had been taking place in Europe toward the close 
of that century. Napoleon Bonaparte was in the full flush 
of military triumph, and had raised France to great political 
supremacy on land. He wished also to advance her to a high 
position on sea and in commerce. In furtherance of this plan 
he determined to have Louisiana. He asked the king of Spain 
to cede all that territory to France, and in return offered to 
establish the king's son-in-law upon the throne of the new 
kingdom of Etruria, which he was about to set up. The 
transfer was made on October i, 1800, and thus the title to 
a territory much larger than all the thirteen original colonies 
was acquired by a stroke of the pen. But the negotiation was 
kept secret. Napoleon feared if England knew it at once she 
might make it impossible for him ever to possess the country. 
But, nevertheless, the title to Missouri was now in France 
again. We must see how it came to belong to the United 
States, 

(375) 



376 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

26. The Purchase. — It was not many months till it 
became known in America that the cession had been made. 
The announcement created great unrest throughout the 
country, especially in Kentucky, Tennessee and the entire 
Ohio valley, which at that time were inhabited by over a 
half million of people, mostly from the Atlantic States. For 
some years before the transfer to France, Spain claimed the 
sole right to control the navigation of the Mississippi, which 
claim she was enabled to enforce because she owned the land on 
both sides of the river at New Orleans. It was by tliat river 
only that the people of the Ohio country had a way of reach- 
ing the world's markets, and this claim on the part of Spain 
greatly impeded their trade and aroused them to anger and to 
threaten to take up arms to hold the Mississippi open and free 
to their commerce. The people beyond the Alleghanies gave 
little heed to these Ohio troubles till Louisiana was transferred 
to France. Then a protest arose from the whole nation. A 
weak nation like Spain was not to be feared, but a powerful 
one like France, in full control of the Mississippi river and 
with a strong garrison at New Orleans, could greatly impair 
the power and greatness of the United States. President 
Jefferson, therefore, instructed Mr. Livingston, the Minister 
to France, to protest in the name of his nation against any 
attempt by France to occupy Louisiana. But about this time 
England was drawn into the war against Napoleon. She was 
mistress of the sea and could easily thwart Napoleon's plans 
of possessing himself of Louisiana. She, too, objected to 
France having that great country, and determined to oppose 
Napoleon in any attempt to possess himself of it. From these 
reasons and because of the demand for all his forces for his 
military operations on land. Napoleon saw the coveted prize 



THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE. 377 

had gone from him forever. Besides he was in need of money. 
But he was determined to put it out of the reach of England, 
and hoping to concihate the United States toward him he 
proposed to Mr. Livingston to sell Louisiana. President Jef- 
ferson sent Mr. Monroe, afterward President himself, to 
France to assist in the purchase of New Orleans and West 
Florida, but on his arrival he found Napoleon willing to sell 
all of Louisiana. Monroe and Livingston, therefore, under- 
took to purchase the whole. Napoleon had instructed his of- 
ficer not to take less than fifty million francs, but he at first 
asked one hundred million. The American ministers offered 
eighty million, and the trade was soon closed. Of this sum, 
which amounted to $15,000,000, one- fourth was remitted be- 
cause of the damage which had been done to the trade of the 
Ohio country after Louisiana had been transferred from Spain 
to France. 

27. Terms of the Contract. — The contract of pur- 
chase was dated April 30, 1803, and that has ever since been 
recognized as the date of the purchase, but it was actually 
signed on May 2, 1803. On October 17 the treaty was ratified 
in the United States Senate by a vote of twenty-four to seven ; 
and, on the twenty-first. Congress, by a large majority of each 
house, at once provided for the bonds with which to pay for 
the purchase. By Article III of the contract, written by the 
great Napoleon himself, it was stipulated that ''the inhabi- 
tants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated in the Union 
of the United States and admitted as soon as possible, accord- 
ing to the principles of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoy- 
ment of all the rights, advantages and immunities of citi- 
zens of the United States ; and in the meantime they shall be 
maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their lib- 



37^ HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

erty, property, and the religion which they profess." These 
words arc important, because they entered largely into the 
controversy which grew out of Missouri's application for ad- 
mission into the Union. The purchase having been made and 
indorsed by Congress, it only remained for the United States 
to take formal possession of the territory. This was easily 
done. On the ninth of March, 1804, the American troops 
crossed the river and entered St. Louis, and Delassus, on the 
part of Spain, delivered Upper Louisiana to Captain Amos 
Stoddard, of the United States Army, who had been commis- 
sioned by France to receive it in her behalf, and on the next 
day he transferred it to the United States. The territory thus 
acquired amounted to over 900,000 square miles, almost one- 
third of the entire area of the United States at present, and 
included all the country west of the Mississippi to the Rocky 
Mountains except a part of Texas. A recent Government map, 
"compiled from official surveys," makes it also include Idaho, 
Oregon and Washington, but it included nothing west of the 
dividing line of the Rocky Mountains — the line beyond which 
the waters run west. 

Questions on Chapter I. 

1. What territory had Spain acquired by the Fontainbleau 
treaty of 1763? (25) 

2. What military chieftain was in full triumph at close of 
eighteenth century? (25) 

3. What did he desire to do with Louisiana? (25) 

4. How did he obtain it? (25) 

5. What effect did the cession to France produce in America? 
(26) Why? (26) 

6. Who was President at this time? (26) 

7. Why was Napoleon compelled to sell Louisiana? (26) 

8. What Americans made the purchase? (26) 

9. What was the price paid? (26) 



Missouri's first years as a territory. 379 

10. What was the date of the contract? (27) 

11. What body ratified it? (27) 

12. How was the land paid for? (27) 

13. What is Article III? (27) Who wrote it? (27) 

14. Why is this article important? (27) 

15. Who took formal possession on behalf of the Union? (27) 

16. What did the purchase include? (27) 



CHAPTER II. 

MISSOURI'S FIRST YEARS AS A TERRITORY. 

28. The New Arrangement. — Louisiana was divided 
into two parts soon after its transfer to the United States. 
All of it now within the State of Louisiana was then called the 
Territory of Orleans ; to the rest was given the name of the 
District of Louisiana at first, but within a year it was changed 
to the Territory of Louisiana. It of course embraced the 
country now called Missouri. For the purposes of government 
the district was attached to the then Territory of Indiana, 
whose governor at that time was General William Henry Har- 
rison, afterwards President for a short time. He first set in 
operation the powers of the United States over the new ter- 
ritory. The people objected to being attached to Indiana, and 
drew up a remonstrance and petition to Congress in which 
they asked to be organized as a territory of the second class. 
Fifteen men, "elected by the free men of the district," were 
chosen to prepare the paper, and of this number eight were of 
French extraction, which fact indicates of what races were 
the settlers of Missouri at that time, and also how readily the 
Frenchman adopted the poHtical methods of his neighbors of 



380 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

English blood, with whom almost alone it was a rule to ask 
for a redress of grievances by petition. 

29. Neglect of Congress. — Their petition was in part 
granted. Congress recognized three grades of territories at 
that time. The district was separated from Indiana and erec- 
ted into a Territory of the first or lowest grade, instead of the 
second, for which they had asked. The Governor and three 
judges, to be appointed by the President, were to make laws 
for the government of the Territory, subject all the time of 
course to the approval of Congress. This was agreeable to the 
people. But nothing was done toward a settlement of the 
disputed titles to their lands. These were in great confusion 
because of the loose way in which the Spanish had always 
made surveys and grants of land, and because much soil had 
been granted to settlers by the Spanish rulers after the ter- 
ritory had been ceded to France in 1800 and before it had 
been transferred to the United States in 1804. Nothing was 
done towards remedying the uncertainity of the land-claimants' 
tenures, and as a result immigration was greatly retarded, and 
the people undertook to defend their titles for themselves. In 
some cases the adverse claimants to the soil, with gun in hand 
determined between themselves who should be its owner. But 
in 1812, after a delay of nearly eight years. Congress passed a 
law confirming the titles of the inhabitants of the different 
villages to the lands which they had occupied prior to the 
Louisiana purchase. This gave the desired relief. The tide 
of immigration now set in strongly again and the price of 
land increased, in some instances six hundred per cent in a 
few years. It must be remembered, however, that these dis- 
orders in regard to the land titles were almost entirely con- 
fined to those parts of the territory which had been settled dur- 



Missouri's first years as a territory. 381 

ing the Spanish domination and which now were fast losing 
their French aspect because of the rapid influx of persons of 
English blood. 

30. First Territorial Governor. — The first Governor 
appointed under the new order of things was General James 
Wilkinson. With him were associated as chief justice, J. B. 
C. Lucas, a very worthy gentleman, who had been a judge 
in Pennsylvania ; and as secretary. Dr. Joseph Browne, who 
was a brother-in-law of Aaron Burr, by whose request he ob- 
tained the appointment. Just at the time of Wilkinson's ap- 
pointment the dissatisfaction above spoken of in regard to land 
titles was beginning. His personal popularity as a man, and 
his extensive experience in public affairs, it was thought, 
would check all this, and bring the United States government 
into popular favor with the inhabitants whose traditions, cus- 
toms and blood were so very different from those of the rest 
of the Union. But this proved to be a sad mistake. To prop- 
erly understand why that was true it will be necessary to speak 
of the unusual course of Aaron Burr and Wilkinson's connec- 
tion therewith. 

31. Burr and Wilkinson. — Burr had, in 1801, been 
elected Vice-President, and prevented from being President 
only by a very narrow majority vote of the House of Repre- 
sentatives. Becoming unpopular as a politician, sour at his 
disappointment, but still ambitious for political renown, to- 
wards the close of his term he came to the West with the ob- 
ject of revolutionizing Mexico, making himself its ruler, and 
ultimately attaching all the country west of the Alleghanies to 
his dominions. He expected his chief support from the Ter- 
ritory of Louisiana. There is no reason to believe that Wil- 
kinson was not influenced by him and perhaps half-heartedly 



3^2 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

and secretly joined in his plans. Burr visited the Territory 
in September, 1805, and in 1807 he was put on trial for con- 
spiring to break up the Union, and the next year Wilkinson 
was tried as an accessory to his crime. The latter was the prin- 
cipal witness against Burr and in the course of the trial was 
able to show that he had written to the proper authorities at 
Washington more than a year before the final collapse of 
Burr's plans, that ''Burr was about something, and an eye 
ought to be kept on him." This letter perhaps prevented 
Wilkinson's conviction, but it will be seen that it was written a 
year after Burr had first visited him. In fact the evidence 
seems strong that Wilkinson at first secretly supported Burr, 
but within a year, from fear of the results or from some other 
equally good cause, concluded it best not to yoke his fortunes 
with Burr's any longer. Wilkinson, besides his compromising 
relations with Burr, was a speculator in land and his conduct 
was otherwise odious to the people. Hence he was removed 
after acting as Governor about two years and was succeeded 
by Captain Meriwether Lewis, of the celebrated Lewis-and- 
Clark Expedition. Wilkinson afterwards became prominent 
in the war of 181 2, but to this day his name is held in con- 
tempt. 

32. Other Immigrants. — In the meantime the people 
prospered. The population, at first confined almost entirely to 
the villages, had begun to extend itself into the surrounding 
forests and prairies. vSettlers had found their way into War- 
ren county, into Franklin county and along the Gasconade. 
Most of the immigrants at this time were from the Atlantic 
States. Their industry, superior knowledge and enterprise 
soon gave them a controlling influence. They occupied the 
most prominent positions and took the lead in society and 



MISSOURI'S FIRST YEARS AS A TERRITORY. 383 

business. No more immigrants came from France and Spain. 
Lands began to have a recognized value and soon speculations 
in them were active. The pursuits of the people began to be 
largely agricultural. In 1808 the first newspaper was estao- 
lished. It was the first paper published west of the Missis- 
sippi river. It was called the "Missouri Gazette," and with 
varying success has been continuously published since. Its 
present name is the '*St. Louis Republic." 

Questions on Chapter II. 

1. How was Louisiana divided? (28) 

2. What was that part including Missouri called? (28) 

3. To what was it attached? (28) 

4. How did Congress provide for the government of the Ter- 
ritory? (29) 

5. What was the effect of Congress's neglect? (29) 

6. Who was first Territorial Governor? (30) 

7. What is said of him? (30) 

8. Describe Burr's and Wilkinson's conspiracies. (31) 

9. Who was the next Territorial Governor? (31) 

10. What is said of new immigrants? {22) 

11. Where did they settle? (^2) 



CHAPTER III. 



EXPLORING EXPEDITIONS. 

33. The Famous Expedition of Lewis and Clark was 
projected by President Jefferson soon after the purchase of 

Louisiana, and was placed 
in charge of Captain Le / 
the President's private sec- 
retary, and Captain Wil- 
liam Clark of the United 
States Army, a brother 
of George Rogers Clark. 
Each of these gentlemen 
afterwards became Terri- 
torial Governor of Mis- 
souri by appointment. The 
company was composed of 
nine young men from Ken- 
MERIWETHER LEWIS. tucky, fourteen soldiers, 

two French boatmen, twO' hunters, an interpreter, and a few 
servants. They began the ascent of the Missouri river in May, 
1804. Near the mouth of the Gasconade they passed the 
last white man's house they were to see until their return. 
They ascended the Missouri to its head waters, stopping off 
frequently to explore the surrounding country, collected 
facts about the character and strength of the various In- 
dian tribes, about the fertility of the soil, and the number 
and extent of the tributaries of this long river. They spent 
the first winter just this side of the Rocky Mountains in 

(384) 




EXPLORING EXPEDITIONS. 385 

forts constructed by themselves. Early next spring they 
began crossing the mountains and had many a sharp and 
wild encounter with grizzly bears, mountain lions and other 
animals. In November, 1805, they reached the ocean, having 
traveled over four thousand miles. They spent the winter 
at the mouth of the Columbia river, and as the spring ap- 
proached started on their return homeward. It was the first 
i-^edition of the kind ever undertaken by our government, 
...,a the return of the party in September, 1806, safe and suc- 
cessful, after an absence of over two years, was hailed with 
delight throughout the entire West. Congress joined in the 
general acclaim and voted each of the persons engaged in the 
expedition a tract of land in recognition of his services ; and 
in further reward for Captain Lewis's services, he was ap- 
pointed Governor of the territory which he had done so much 
to make known. 

34. Pike's Expedition. — About the same time Zebulon 
Montgomery Pike made like expeditions to the sources of the 
Mississippi, Arkansas, Platte and Kansas, and thereby really 
rendered almost as much service to Missouri as did the ex- 
pedition of Lewis and Clark. In 1810 the journals of travels 
kept by Pike were published, with maps and atlases of the 
country explored, and extensively read. They furnished the 
first reliable information of the extent and value of the new 
country. After their appearance all complaints about the 
amount paid for Louisiana were hushed. Pike county, in the 
eastern part of the State, was named for this energetic ex- 
plorer. It was because of his well-earned celebrity, perhaps, 
that many people in the Eastern States for a long time knew 
the name of only one county in Missouri and that was Pike. 

25 



386 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

Questions on Chapter III. 

1. What celebrated expedition is discussed in this chapter? 

(33) 

2. Who were in charge of it? (33) 

3. Describe their journey. (33) 

4. How was their return received? (33) 

5. What is said of Zebulon Pike's Expedition? (34) 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE NEW MADRID EARTHQUAKE. 

35. Earthquakes. — A little after midnight of Decem- 
ber 16, 181 1, began a series of earthquakes among the most 
extensive and destructive in the world's history. They ex- 
tended over half a hemisphere. Sabrina, one of the Azores 
Islands, was elevated 360 feet above the level of the sea. 
Caracas, a city of Venezuela of 10,000 people, was totally 
destroyed and sunk sixty feet under water. In North Amer- 
ica, the center of the earthquake's disturbances, both in point 
of violence and in position, was near New Madrid on the 
Mississippi river, in the southeastern part of Missouri. The 
disturbances extended north to the mouth of the Ohio river, 
south to the mouth of the St. Francois, and far into Arkansas 
and Tennessee. They began in a sudden shock which shook 
down walls, wrecked houses, tore up trees and set many 
things on the surface contrariwise. This was followed by 
undulations of the earth resembling waves, increasing in ele- 
vation as they advanced, and when they had attained a fear- 
ful height, the earth would then burst and vast volumes of 
water, sand and pit-coal were thrown up as high as the tops 



THE NEW MADRID EARTHQUAKE. 387 

of trees. The earth rocked and reeled under men's feet. Fis- 
sures were formed, six hundred and even seven hundred feet 
in length, and twenty or thirty in breadth. Large oak trees 
were split in the center and forty feet up the trunk, and one 
part left standing on one side of the fissure, and the other 
part on the other twenty feet distant. There issued no burn- 
ing flames, but flashes such as result from the explosions of 
gas. The atmosphere was filled with this thick gas, to which 
the light imparted a purple hue. The waters in the Missis- 
sippi river suddenly rose several feet. In some places trees 
which had rested on the bottom of the river for perhaps cen- 
turies were elevated above the water and yet rested on the 
soil. Other places off the shore suddenly sunk and the water 
overflowed them. The water thrown up during the eruption 
of the "land waves" was lukewarm, so warm as to produce 
no chilly sensation to persons wading or swimming through 
it. Many fissures, besides the ones described, were of an 
oval or circular form, forced up to a considerable height, and 
others formed large and deep basins one hundred yarc^ in 
diameter. 

36. Remarkable Results. — A marked result of these 
land disturbances was the great depressions and elevations of 
the surface. Great tracts of country which hitherto had been 
lakes became dry land, and much dry land became lakes. 
Reelfoot Lake, on the opposite side of the river in Tennessee, 
twenty miles long and seven wide, was formed. The trunks 
of dead oaks and cypresses above thirty feet in height are at 
its bottom, over which boats can now be plied without inter- 
ruption. A large extent of country on the Missouri side of 
the river was sunk ten feet below its former elevation. Much 
of the soil was ruined for agriculturai purposes. 



388 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

37. New Madrid Claims. — Afterwards Congress at- 
tempted to give relief by passing a law granting to each 
owner who had sustained serious loss a section of land in 
what was known as the "Boone's Lick country," on condi- 
tion that he relinquish his desolated farm to the Government. 
Perhaps twice as much land was "located" under this law 
as was ever destroyed in the New Madrid country. The 
"locations" were called New Madrid claims, and because of 
their conflict with other entries, were the source of much 
litigation. 

Questions on Chapter IV. 

1. What results of the earthquake of 181 1 are mentioned? (35) 

2. What was its center in North America? (35) 

3. Describe some of its features, (35) 

4. What other remarkable results are mentioned? (36) 

5. What are "New Madrid claims?" (37) 

6. How much lands were settled under these claims? (37) 



CHAPTER V. 

OTHER SETTLEMENTS. 

38. First English Settlements. — There were a num- 
ber of small and scattered settlements in St. Charles, Gasco- 
nade and Warren counties as early as 1800 and the ten years 
succeeding. But we have now come to the first important 
settlement by people of English blood within Missouri. It 
was in Howard county, in the river bottom near Franklin, 
in 1810. The country had been previously visited by Wil- 
liam Nash and some sui^veyors in 1804, who located claims. 



OTHER SETTLEMENTS. 389 

and again by Lewis and Clark who explored the country and 
speak of having encountered many rattlesnakes there. In 
1807 Nathan and Daniel Boone, at this time residents in St. 
Charles county, and sons of the celebrated Daniel Boone, be- 
pfan the manufacture of salt at Boone's Lick in fhe western 
part of what is now Howard county. This they shipped 
down the river in canoes made from logs, hollowed out and 
made water-proof by daubing the open places with clay. Col. 
Benjamin Cooper with his large family joined them in 1808, 
but Governor Lewis informed them that the protection of the 
Government from the Indians would not be extended them at 
that distant home, and ordered them to return to the Gasco- 
nade settlement. This they did, but in 18 10 Cooper, accom- 
panied by about one hundred and fifty families, mostly from 
Madison county, Kentucky, again came to Howard county, 
and of this great number all settled in Howard except Stephen 
and Hannah Cole, who crossed the river and became the first 
settlers of Cooper county, settling near the present site of 
Boonville. 

39. Daniel Boone was a man whose like this country 
perhaps will never see again. His father came from England 
and settled in Bucks county, Pennsylvania, where Daniel was 
born, July 14, 1732 (the same year in which George Wash- 
ington was born), and where he received the rudest educa- 
tion. When he was eighteen years old his family moved to 
North Carolina. In 1769 with five hunters he explored the 
border regions of Kentucky, and was captured by the Indians, 
but soon made his escape. In a short time he was joined by 
his brother, and both were captured and a companion was 
killed. They escaped, his brother returned to North Caro- 
lina and he was left alone in the wilderness with only his 



2,9^ HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

rifle to gain subsistence and defend himself from the Indians. 
He continued his explorations, and in 1773 moved to Ken- 
tucky with seven other families, and was soon employed to 
lay out the lands by Virginia, of which Kentucky was then 
a part, and in commanding the* garrisons which had been 
established for fighting the Indians. His life in Kentucky 
was spent in hunting, fighting the Indians, being captured by 
them and escaping. In 1792 he lost his lands because of de- 
fective title and quitted Kentucky in disgust. Hearing of 
very fertile lands in Missouri, he came here about 1794 and 
settled forty-five miles northwest of St. Louis, in what is 
now Warren county. There he obtained a grant of ten thou- 
sand acres of land, by reason of an agreement he formed with 
Deiassus to bring one hundred and fifty families into Upper 
Louisiana from Virginia and Kentucky. But the grant was 
never confirmed because Boone failed to get the signature 
thereto of the direct representative of the Spanish crown. 
Afterward Congress granted him one thousand acres for his 
heroic public services. He spent most of his latter days with 
his son. Major Nathan Boone, and died in 1820 in his house, 
a two- story stone, the first of its kind in Missouri, some six 
miles from the Missouri river in St. Charles county. His 
body was buried in a cherry coffin which he had prepared 
himself and kept ready for years. The Legislature adjourned 
for one day out of respect for the old hero. The remains 
of himself and wife were afterward interred with ceremonial 
pomp at Frankfort, Kentucky, in 1845. 

40. Lewis and Howard. — Wilkinson, the first Gov- 
ernor of the Territory of Louisiana, was succeeded in the 
spring of 1807 by Meriwether Lewis, who, while on his way 
to Washington, committed suicide in 1809 by shooting him- 



OTHER SETTLEMENTS. 



391 



self. He had been high-minded and studious from early boy- 
hood, was a man of ability and faithful and heroic public 
service, but at times was subject to fits of deep despondency, 
and it was supposed that it was while in one of these that 
he took his life at the lonely wayside house in Tennessee, at 
which he had stopped to rest. But his death has always been 
shrouded in mystery. There have always been persons to 
assert that he did not commit suicide at all, but was murdered. 
But President Jefferson, who wrote a biographical sketch of 
him, says he committed suicide. President Madison appointed 
as his successor Gen. Benjamin Howard of Lexington, Ken- 
tucky. In 181 2 Congress passed a law by which on the 
twelfth of December of that year Louisiana was to be ad- 
vanced from the first to the second grade of Territories, 
and its name changed to Missouri. The last official act of 
Governor Howard was to issue a proclamation ordering 
an election to be held in November for a delegate to 
Congress and for mem- 
bers of the Territorial 
Legislature to be organ- 
ized under this law. He 
resigned soon after this 
t o become Brigadier- 
General in the army dur- 
ing the war of 1812, and 
died in St. Louis in 
1814, having filled h's 
position with commend- 
able merit. Howard 

county, which was set- captain william clark. 

tied while he was Governor, was named in his honor. 




392 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

41. Clark and Hempstead. — Governor Howard was 
succeeded by Captain William Clark, of the celebrated ex- 
pedition of Lewis and Clark. He served as Governor till 
Missouri was admitted into the Union. No man ever in 
the West had more influence over the Indians than did "Red- 
head," the name by which Clark was called by them. He 
stoefd between them and the whites for years, was always 
their trusted friend and averted many a threatened invasion 
by them and succeeded in amicably purchasing their lands 
for the United States or obtaining them by treaty. Edward 
Hempstead, of St. Louis, was elected the first delegate to 
Congress in 1812. He was succeeded in 181 5 by Rufus Easton, 
and he in 1817 by John Scott, who served till Missouri became 
a State. All were honorable and able men. By an act of 1816 
Missouri was advanced to the third or highest grade of terri- 
torial government. 

42. Franklin. — The settlement about Boone's Lick 
grew rapidly. However, the Indians, especially the Potta- 
watomies and Foxes, stole the settlers' Jiorses and kept them 
in almost constant alarm. Five different forts were built 
for their protection, but nevertheless many of the prominent 
men were killed, some of them in their own houses. Yet 
there w^as no power to avenge their wrongs or to prevent 
these recurrences except the strength of their own arms, for 
this part of the Territory at that time was beyond the organ- 
ized jurisdiction of any government. In 1816 Franklin was 
laid ofif opposite the present site of Boonville. It was the 
first town of any importance west of St. Charles. It grew 
rapidly and soon came to have considerable population. In- 
deed, for many years Franklin was the center of society and 
commerce for all that class of immigrants who came from 



OTHER SETTLEMENTS. 393 

the older States, and who for the most part settled, not in 
St. Louis and south of it along the Mississippi, but in what 
soon became Howard county. Among its inhabitants were 
men who afterward became the most prominent Governors 
and useful Supreme Judges of the State. It was for many 
years a Government land office, with Thos. A. Smith as Re- 
ceiver and Charles Carroll as Register. It had the first news- 
paper published west of St. Louis, which still lives in the 
Columbia Statesman. The old town has long since been 
mostly washed away by the encroachings of the Missouri river. 

43. Howard County. — Howard county was organized 
in 1816. It at first included all that territory from which 
have since been carved thirty-one counties, twelve south of 
the ]\Iissouri river and nineteen north of it. For this rea- 
son it was long known as the "mother of counties." Its seat 
of justice was first Cole's Fort, on the south side of the river 
in Cooper county; in 1817, it was removed to Franklin and in 
1823 to Fayette. It was long the center of political influence 
in the State, and in the early days "Howard county, the mother 
of Missouri Democracy," was frequently heard. Around 
Franklin as a center, population rapidly increased, and in 
a few years it had spread out into what afterwards became 
Boone, Callaway, Cooper and Chariton counties. All central 
Missouri was being rapidly transformed from a wilderness 
into happy homes. 

44. Tide of Immigration. — The War of 1812 ended in 
181 5. At its close immigration to Missouri set in more rap- 
idly than perhaps was ever elsewhere known in the United 
States up to that time. The rush was greatest from Vir- 
ginia, Kentucky, North Carolina and Tennessee. As many 
as one hundred persons are said to have ''passed through St. 



394 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

Charles in one day on their way to Boone's Lick, and this 
rate was kept up for many days together." Many of these 
"movers" brought with them a hundred head of cattle, be- 
sides hogs, horses and sheep and from three to twelve slaves. 
These long trains presented a sight which will never be seen in 
this country again. It was long before the day of railroads and 
just before the time of steamboats. There was the huge wagon 
filled with the family's "plunder," drawn by three or four yoke 
of oxen. Next came the herds of cattle and sheep, each with 
many bells, making a beautiful chime, and as this mingled with 
the dull thud of the wagon, the coarse voice of the herder 
and driver, a peculiar impression was made which only those 
can appreciate who have heard it. At night the family would 
camp around the fire, the cattle w^ould lie down and rumi- 
nate, the "movers" would recount the thrilling incidents of 
the day, the slaves joining in, and, whenever an opportunity 
offered, telling strangers of the "quahty" of their families. 

45. Pioneer Life. — When the immigrant arrived at 
his journey's end his first business was to look him out a farm. 
Though land speculators had done much to confuse titles to 
the soil, yet land was abundant, and with no great toil each 
man could "open him up a farm." A log cabin was easily 
raised, and the land fenced with what was known as a "Vir- 
ginia rail fence." Until his first crop was raised, he could 
easily obtain a subsistence for himself and family by hunt- 
ing and trapping. At that time the forests, and even prairies, 
which were covered with a high luxuriant grass, abounded 
in deer, bears, wolves, panthers, wild cats, wild turkeys, and 
various small game. The flesh of some of these, such as 
the deer and bear, furnished him food, and their skins were 
made into serviceable clothes. While his lot was romantic 



OTHER SETTLEMENTS. 395 

yet It required stern hardihood to endure it. The Indians 
were about him and were not always friendly. The fiercer 
wild animals attacked his young cattle, and often carried 
away his lambs and pigs. He had but few books and papers, 
schools were rare, and only occasionally did he hear the Gospel 
preached, but his hardships inspired him with self-confidence 
and a rugged purpose, which yet mark his descendants. 

46. His House. — His log cabin differed somewhat 
from the houses of the French settlers. The posts were not 
set upright and slats nailed horizontally to them, as was the 
fashion with the French settler, but instead, he generally used 
large logs, hewn into shape, and fitted into one another by 
means of notches in the ends. These were laid one on an- 
other, and the spaces between were filled with pieces of wood 
called '"chinking" and around these was daubed a plaster made 
of clay. The door was made of heavy cross-pieces and rough- 
hewn boards. They were hung on wooden hinges and fast- 
ened with a wooden latch on the inside. The latch could 
be raised from the outside by a string attached to it which 
passed through a hole in the door above the latch. To lock 
the door was simply to draw the string inside, and so "my 
latch-string always hangs on the outside" became a popular 
term of hospitality and an assurance of welcome to the neigh- 
bor or passing stranger. The windows were without glass. 
The light was admitted by a shutter which stood ajar, or 
through greased paper attached to a framework something 
like a sash. Sometimes the cabin was thirty feet square, and 
if two rooms were built a wide hall ran between, and the 
larger room was called the "big house." As the farmer grew 
wealthier, population increased and the means of transporta- 



396 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

tion improved, all these things gave way to the conveniences 
of modern life. 

47. His Money. — He had little money, and indeed had 
need for but little. He raised his own food. The materials 
for his clothing were grown in his fields or sheared from his 
flocks and were converted into cloth and made into garments 
by the women of the household. What trading he did was 
mere barter; that is, the exchange of one article for another. 
Peltries, lead and its product in the shape of shot, were used 
in the place of money. There were Spanish dollars, however, 
and these were often cut into halves, quarters, and even 
eighths, which, because of their small size, came to be called 
"bits," and so to this day a ''bit" is twelve and a half cents. 
For any less amount pins, needles, sheets of writing paper, 
and other articles of small value were used. 

. 48. Lead and The Fur Trade. — But agriculture was 
not the only pursuit. Lead was produced in great abundance. 
''One million five hundred thousand pounds were annually 
turned out by the Maramec mines alone, which gave employ- 
ment to three hundred and fifty hands, exclusive of smelters, 
blacksmiths and others." Much of it was turned into shot 
and a tower for that purpose was erected at Ste. Genevieve. 
The fur trade was very large. As early as 1804 it amounted 
to two hundred thousand dollars per annum. Large trad- 
ing companies, with headquarters in St. Louis, were organ- 
ized, which sent out trappers along almost every tributary 
of the Missouri to the Rocky Mountains. The foundation for 
many a large fortune was thus laid. The Chouteaus of St. 
Louis through this fur trade were known in Europe for more 
than half a century. The better peltries were those of the 
otter, beaver, bear and buffalo. These were shipped to France 



OTHER SETTLEMENTS. 397 

and exchanged for shoes, fabrics, sugar and guns. Thus both 
countries were benefited, each getting things they could not 
then produce, but needed. 

49. The First Steamboats. — In 1811, the New Orleans, 
the first steamboat bulk west of the Alleghany Mountains, 
made the trip from Pittsburg to New Orleans. This settled 
forever the question of the use of steam as a motive power 
on the western waters. In the next eight years sixty-three 
steamers were built and plied on the Ohio and Mississippi. 
On the second of August, 1817, the first steamboat that ever 
ascended the Mississippi above the mouth of the Ohio arrived 
at St. Louis. Its name was General Pike and its master was 
Jacob Read. On May 28, 181 9, the Independence, the first 
steamboat to ascend the Missouri, arrived at Franklin, hav- 
ing been twelve days on the journey from St. Louis. Soon 
after this, steamboats became common on these rivers, and 
their appearance, which was at first dazzling, became familiar 
sights. They added a new impetus to commerce and assisted 
much in the speedy delivery of the mails. Yet these con- 
veniences could scarcely be compared to our modern railroads. 
It usually took a letter from four to six weeks to come from 
New York or Washington, and the postage on a single letter, 
even many years afterward, was twenty-five cents. 

50. Business Depressions. — The last few years before 
Missouri's admission into the Union was a season of severe 
trial in finances. The year 1818 found nearly everybody in 
debt. The Bank of vSt. Louis was established in 18 16, and 
the next year the Bank of Missouri, with a capital of $250,000, 
was organized. These for a time increased the volume of 
business, but also aided reckless speculation. Government 
land was sold for two dollars an acre, one-fourth to be paid 



398 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

in cash and the rest in two, three and four years. So num- 
erous were the failures on account of the mania for specula- 
tion in land, that rarely none but the first payment was made. 
Dealing at the stores was also upon credit. Payments were 
made with promissory notes or bank notes, which were con- 
sidered as good as cash. These of course drove out the coin ; 
and when the day of final settlement came there was no money 
with which to make payments. Land and all kinds of farm 
products, though abundant, were unsalable. The Territorial 
Legislature tried to give relief by issuing "land loan notes" 
which were made receivable for taxes and debts of every kind 
due the State. The United States Supreme Court set this act 
aside as being in violation of the provision of the Constitution 
which forbids any State to "issue bills of credit," and for 
doing so was of course wickedly censured, but relief came in 
time, though slowly, as is usual after such depressions. 

51. Population. — The population of the entire terri- 
tory now known as Missouri was about 20,000 in 18 10. In 
1820 it was 66,000. The population of St. Louis in 1811 was 
about 1,400, "composed of a motley mixture of Canadian- 
French, a few Spaniards and other Europeans, and a some- 
what larger proportion of Americans." In 1820 it was 4,928. 
Of the population of this territory in 1820 about 10,000 w^ere 
slaves. The number of counties increased from five to fifteen 
in*=the ten years preceding 1820. 

Questions on Chapter V. 

1. Where was the first important English settlement? (3S) 

2. Who was in charge of it? (38) 

3. Where were the settlers from? (38) 

4. What is said of Daniel Boone? (39) 

5. Who succeeded Wilkinson as Governor? (40) 



OTHER SETTLEMENTS. 399 

6. When and by whom was this territory named Missouri^ 
(40) 

7. What is said of General Howard? (40) 

8. Who succeeded him? (41) 

9. What is said of Clark? (41) 

10. Who was the lirst delegate in Congress? (41) 

11. Name two others. (41) 

12. What is said of Franklin? (42) 

13. What is said of Howard county? (43) 

14. For wdiom was it named? (40) 

15. What is said of the immigrant? (44) 

16. Describe his surroundings in the new country. (45) 

17. Describe his house. (46) 

18. What was used for money? (47) 

19. What is said of lead? (48) 

20. Of the fur trade? (48) 

21. What was the first steamboat on the Ohio? (49) 

22. What was the first to reach St. Louis? (49) 

23. How long did it take the first steamboat to go from St. 
Louis to Franklin? (49) 

24. How did steamboats help? (49) 

25. What is said of financial troubles? (50) 

26. Population in 1810 and 1820? (51) 



PART III. 

MISSOURI AS A STATE. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE ADMISSION OF MISSOURI INTO THE UNION. 

62. Application to Become a State. — The Territorial 
Legislature made application for the admission of Missouri 
into the Union as a State in 1818. The application produced 
a violent sectional issue in American politics. It opened up 
a long acrimonious struggle between the North and South 
for political supremacy in the nation. That struggle, attended 
with bitterness from its beginning, continued up to the time 
of the Civil War, through that w'ar, and has scarcely ended 
even yet. The people of JNIissouri wished to decide for them- 
selves whether slavery should exist in the State. To this 
the North urged two strong objections. 

53. First Objection. — The first was, the people were 
sure to permit slavery. It existed in the Territory at the 
time of the application ; had been there for fifty years, and 
nothing was surer than that the people would not voluntarily 
abolish it. Since 1787 slavery had not existed north of the 
Ohio river, above the latitude of which lies most of Missouri. 
The admission of Missouri would be a precedent. If the 
privilege were given to her people to decide upon the exist- 

(400) 



THE ADMISSION OF MISSOURI INTO THE UNION. 4OI 

ence of slavery within her borders, so must it be extended 
to the whole Louisiana Purchase. Missouri was on the border 
line between free and slave labor. The question, then, was 
whether Congress would interfere with the further extension 
of slavery. If permitted to exist in Missouri, without some 
limitations now agreed upon, it might, by the voice of the 
people, exist in all the Louisiana Purchase. Against its fur- 
ther extension many citizens throughout the North protested 
in the name of freedom, humanity and a higher civilization. 

54. The Second Objection. — The second objection 
was, the admission of Missouri would turn over the control 
of the nation from the North to the South. It was also the 
real objection, the one which did most in controlling the 
Northern members in Congress. The Union had been orig- 
inally formed of seven free and six slave States. Up to 
February, 1819, there had always been one more free than 
slave States, there being at this time ten free States and nine 
slave States. The free States had acquired a large and con- 
stantly increasing predominance in Congress. This was the 
political situation early in 1819 when the application of Mis- 
souri and Alabama to become States came up in Congress. 
Both were slave Territories, both had been settled by emi- 
grants mostly from slave States, and of course it was as- 
sumed that their political affiliations would be with the South. 
If admitted, the number of slave States would be increased 
from nine to eleven, while the free States would remain ten. 
This would give the South the ascendency in the Senate, pos- 
sibly in the House and nation. 

55. Alabama. — Georgia had ceded Alabama's terri- 
tory, and in doing so had made stipulations in regard to slav- 

26 



40^ HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

ery, which were regarded by Congress as deciding that slav- 
ery as a form of labor might exist in that State. Accordingly 
Alabama was admitted without opposition as a slave State. 
This made the number of Northern and Southern States ex- 
actly the same. The fight for political supremacy, therefore, 
was not made over Alabama, but Missouri, which lay much 
further north, and was supposed to be connectional ground 
between the free-labor and the slavery States, and might, 
therefore, be claimed by either. The South espoused the 
cause of the people of Missouri because it wished to gain 
political ascendency in Congress and because it was intimately 
interested in the extension of slavery. 

56. The Tallmadge Resolution. — The struggle for the 
admission of Missouri was precipitated in Congress by a reso- 
lution of Mr. Tallmadge of New York: 'That the further 
introduction of slavery shall be prohibited ; and that all chil- 
dren born within the State after the admission thereof shall 
be free at the age of twenty-five years." This led to a long 
discussion in which hot and bitter words were bandied to and 
fro with frequency. It will be remembered that when the 
contract of purchase was signed, transferring Louisiana from 
France to the United States, article third, written by the 
great Napoleon, provided that *'the inhabitants of the ceded 
territory shall be incorporated into the Union of the United 
States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the 
principles of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of 
all the rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the 
United States, and in the meantime they shall be maintained 
and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property 
and the religion which they profess." This contract with 
this article in it, was accepted in 1803 by Congress. It was 



THE ADMISSION OF MISSOURI IXTO THE UNION. 4O3 

now seized upon by the opponents of the Tallmadge resolu- 
tion as having settled the question of slavery in ^lissouri be- 
fore her application for admission. Slaves, it was contended, 
were property. Slavery existed in the Territory when the 
terms of purchase from Napoleon were signed, when those 
terms were accepted by Congress, and had been here ever 
since. If, therefore, slavery was to be prohibited here it 
should be left to the State itself to do so. Besides it was 
further contended that these terms of purchase were exactly 
similar in their tenor to the stipulations Georgia had made 
when ceding Alabama, which stipulations obtained for that 
State the right to abolish or maintain slavery as she pleased. 

57. Discordant Views. — To deny ^^lissouri the same 
right was, therefore, to take from her her dignity as one of a 
Union of equal States, to make her yield to conditions which 
had never before been imposed on any State, and which would 
not now be attempted in her case if the free still outnum- 
bered the slave States. This point was urged with great 
ability by John Scott, ^lissouri's delegate then in Congress, 
who felt that to deprive the people of the right of choosing 
their own local institutions was a humiliating condition, and 
violated the old maxim that ''all governments derive their just 
powers from the consent of the governed." In reply to him 
it was held that slavery existed only by virtue of a local law ; 
that it had never been sanctioned by national laws, and that 
on the contrary the Constitution had from the first implied 
an opposition to it. in that it contained an agreement that the 
slave trade should cease in 1808. The supporters of the Tall- 
madge resolution further held that slavery was not only a 
moral wrong, a political evil, a commercial weakness, but it 
was contrary to universal freedom which must necessarilv in- 



404 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

here in a republic. These views were so discordant that one 
would scarcely suppose a compromise for Missouri's admis- 
sion could ever be reached. Yet such was the fact. * 

58. The Missouri Compromise. — This was accom- 
plished by the application of Maine for admission in Decem- 
ber, 1819, and while Missouri's case yet seemed hopeless. 
Maine would, of course, be a free State. Had she applied 
for admission at the same time Alabama and Missouri did, 
perhaps all the contention of which we have spoken would 
never have arisen. Then, admitting the three at once, the 
free would not have been outnumbered by the slave States. 
As it was, those in favor of letting Missouri settle the ques- 
tion of slavery for herself, declared both Missouri and Maine 
should be admitted without regard to slavery or both kept 
out. This brought on a deadlock in Congress, which lasted 
for weeks and finally ended in a measure known as the "Alis- 
souri Compromise." This was an agreement that Maine 
should be brought into the Union ; that Missouri should settle 
for herself the question of the existence of slavery within her 
territory ; and that slavery should forever be prohibited from 
all other territory ''north of thirty-six degrees and thirty min- 
utes north latitude" which was the south line of Missouri. The 
agreement was implied, though not expressed, that Missouri 
should be admitted into the Union according to this agree- 
ment. This compromise opened up the way for Missouri's 
admission. In 1857, long after that was accomplished, the 
Supreme Court of the United States declared this compro- 
mise, by which slavery was excluded north of thirty-six 
degrees and thirty minutes, unconstitutional, and that, there- 
fore, the South had no right to yield to it and the North no 
right to ask it. 



THE ADMISSION OF MISSOURI INTO THE UNION. 405 

59. The First Constitution. — But the people of Mis- 
souri accepted the compromise as final, and began at once to 
form a State government. A convention to frame a con- 
stitution met in a hotel, known as the ''Mansion House," in 
St. Louis, early in June, 1820. David Barton was elected 
president. Among its members w^ere some very able men. 
Some of them were afterwards very prominent in the affairs 
of the State, such as David Barton, Edward Bates, Alexander 
McNair, Thomas F. Riddick, John Rice Jones, Duff Green, 
Pierre Chouteau, Jr., Benjamin Reeves, A. Buckner, John D. 
Cook and John Scott. There were in all forty-one members. 
They were in session a little over a month, and spent for 
stationery $26.25 and framed a constitution which took effect 
immediately without submission to a vote of the people. This 
constitution was to pass through the fiery ordeal of being ap- 
proved by Congress before Missouri could become a State. 
As had been supposed all along, the Constitution permitted 
the existence of slavery. It was reasonably and properly sup- 
posed by the people of Missouri and by the South that the 
Northern delegates had consented to this by the agreement 
known as the Missouri Compromise. But now when the 
State claimed a fulfillment of this promise Congress would 
not stand to the agreement, and hence a second compromise 
had to be agreed upon. 

60. One Clause of Missouri's Constitution stipulated 
its Legislature should enact a law to "prevent free negroes 
and mulattoes from coming to and settling in the State." 
This clause, it was now contended, was contrary to a pro- 
vision of the Federal Constitution which guaranteed to "the 
citizens of each State the privileges and immunities of citi- 
zens in the several States." The members of Congress from 



406 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

the North held that free negroes were recognized as citizens 
in some of the old States and hence this clause in Missouri's 
Constitution was in conflict with the Federal Constitution. 
Prior to the adoption of the fourteenth amendment in 1868, 
there was nothing in the Constitution of the United States 
declaring who were citizens or what qualification a person 
must have to be a citizen. By that amendment all persons 
born or naturalized in the United States, were made citizens. 
But before Missouri's application for admission into the Union 
it had always been held that each State could say for itself 
who were its citizens, and who should not be. And Missouri 
now claimed she, too, had that right. 

61. An Unreasonable Contention. — The claim led to 
an absurdity. If one State could declare a certain class of 
men ''citizens" and then the Constitution should come in and 
say all the other States should therefore acknowledge them 
as citizens, too, and should extend to these citizens all the 
privileges and immunities of citizens of each of these respec- 
tive States, of course there would be no limit to citizenship. 
"Free negroes" would not alone be citizens. One State might 
declare a Chinaman or an Indian a citizen, and by this claim 
all the other States must acknowledge him a citizen, and must 
have nothing in their laws which would not allow him "all 
the privileges and immunities" of any of their own residents. 
This, of course, led to an absurdity. The object of the clause 
in the Missouri Constitution was to keep persons from set- 
tling within her borders who might disturb the peace and 
cause unrest among the slaves. Illinois had exactly the same 
law as late as 1846, and Congress at no time attempted to 
interfere with it. This clause, however, was the subject for 
long and bitter discussion in the House. The Senate saw the 



THE ADMISSION OF MISSOURI INTO THE UNION. 407 

absurdity and dishonesty of such opposition and soon became 
in favor of admission. 

62. The Clay Compromise. — It was at this time that 
the great Henry Clay, of Kentucky, came to the rescue. He 
has been called the author of the Missouri Compromise. This 
is a mistake. Mr. Thomas, of Illinois, was the author of 
that measure, yet Mr. Clay gave it his powerful support. But 
he was the author of the second compromise. He induced 
the House to agree to leave the provision for the admission 
of the State to a committee of twenty-three members from 
the House — the then number of States — to act jointly with a 
committee from the Senate. This committee reported to the 
House a resolution admitting Missouri whenever her Legisla- 
ture should pass a Solemn Public Act repealing the clause in 
reference to the exclusion of free negroes and mulattoes, and 
when this was done the President should proclaim her ad- 
mitted. This resolution passed the Senate by a vote of twenty- 
eight to fourteen, and the House by a vote of eighty-six to 
eighty-two. 

63. The Solemn Public Act. — Then the Governor of 
Missouri called the Legislature together to pass the Solemn 
Public Act. It first spoke of the absurdity of Congress in 
demanding it, declared if any clause in the State Constitution 
was in conflict with the Federal Constitution, that clause was 
therefore void and had always been ; but *'to give to the world 
the most unequivocal proof of her desire to promote the peace 
and harmony of the Union," it there "solemnly and publicly 
declared and enacted" that no part "of the Constitution of this 
State shall ever be construed to authorize the passage of any 
law by which any citizen of either of the United States shall 
be excluded from the enjoyment of any of the privileges and 



408 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

immunities to which such citizens are entitled under the Con* 
stitution of the United States." A certified copy of this Act 
was sent to President Monroe. He promptly issued a procla- 
mation declaring the admission of the State complete. The 
precise date thereof was August lo, 1821. Thus ended for 
a time the mighty struggle between the North and the South 
which forty years later culminated in the Civil War. 

Questions on Chapter I. 

1. What was the effect of Missouri's application to become 
a State? (52) 

2. What right did the people of Missouri claim for them- 
selves? (52) 

3. What was the first objection to this? (53) 

4. What argument was used to support it? (53) 

5. In the name of what did the North protest against the 
further extension of slavery? (53) 

6. What was the second objection to Missouri's admission? 
(54) 

7. What was the relative political strength of the North and 
South at that time? (54) 

8. What is said of Alabama? (55) 

9. Why was the opposition waged around Missouri? (55) 

10. What was the Tallmadge resolution? (56) 

11. What was the third article of the contract of the Louisiana 
purchase? (56) 

12. How was it argued that this article settled the question? 
(S6) 

13. What did John Scott contend? (57) 

14. What two replies were made to him? (57) 

15. What prepared the way for a settlement? (58) 

16. What were the terms/of the Missouri Compromise? (58) 

17. How did the people of Missouri accept the Compromise? 
(59) 

18. When was the first Constitution framed? (59) 

19. Name some of the members of the convention. (59) 

20. What objection was urged to the Constitution? (60) 



FIRST YEARS AS A STATE. 4O9 

21. What did this contention lead to? (61) Why? (61) 

22. How did the Senate regard it? (61) 

23. What was the second compromise? (62) 

24. What was the Solemn Public Act? (63) 

25. By what body was it enacted? (63) 

26. When was Missouri admitted to the Union? (63) 



CHAPTER II. 

FIRST YEARS AS A STATE. 

64. The First Election. — The first election, under the 
new Constitution, was held on the fourth Monday of Au- 
gust, 1820. Political parties did not divide the voters. On 
the contrary, the personal popularity and merits of the 
several candidates determined the result, for the most part. 
Alexander McNair and William Clark, both of St. Louis, 
were the candidates for Governor. The latter had been the 
Territorial Governor for seven years. He was now defeated 
by a majority of 4,020 votes in a total vote of 9,132. Wil- 
liam H. Ashley of St. Louis was elected Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor. The State Government in all its branches did not 
immediately go into effect. It was far into the year 1821 be- 
fore either the Circuit or Supreme courts were in operation. 

65. First Governor. — Alexander McNair was born in 
Pennsylvania in 1774, and received a fair English educa- 
tion. His parents died about the time he became of age, and 
he and his brother agreed upon the division of their estate in 
a novel manner — that whosoever should be the victor in a fair 



410 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



encounter should be the owner of the homestead. Alexander 
received a severe whipping at the hands of his brother, to 

which he afterwards ac- 
knowledged he owed the 
honor of being Governor 
of Missouri. In 1804, he 
moved to St. Louis, and for 
a number of years was 
United States commissary 
■rr_ for that station. In the 
.city tax-list of 181 1, he ap- 
pears as taxed for -one of 
the nineteen "carriages for 
pleasure" then owned in 
that city. During the War 
of 1812, he was colonel 




AIjEXANDER McNAIR. 



of Missouri militia in the United States service. He was 
elected Governor in 1820, and held office till 1824, and died 
in St. Louis in 1826. He was a man of great popularity and 
strict integrity. 

66. New Counties and David Barton.~The General 
Assembly, which is the name given the Legislative branch 
of the State Government, was composed at its first session of 
fourteen Senators and forty-three Representatives. At that 
session, which met in St. Louis in September, 1820, acts were 
passed creating the counties of Boone, Callaway, Chariton, 
Cole, Gasconade, Lafayette, Perry, Ralls, Ray and Saline. 
Most of these were carved from the territory first embraced 
in Howard county. David Barton and Thomas Hart Benton 
were elected United States Senators, They were not allowed 



FIRST YEARS AS A STATE. 4II 

to take their seats in the Senate however until 1821, because 
the State was not yet admitted into the Union. Mr. Barton 
was a native of Tennessee and was a soldier in the War of 
1812. He had served as judge of the circuit court a short 
time about 1816, but had no brilliant career as a jurist. He 
was a fluent orator and at the time of the admission of Mis- 
souri he was the most popular man in the State. He was 
chairman of the convention that framed the State Constitu- 
tion and was unanimously elected to the Senate in 1821 and 
re-elected in 1825. During his last term he became un- 
popular in the State because of his espousal of the cause of 
John Ouincy Adams for the Presidency against General Jack- 
son, who was a great favorite in Missouri. Accordingly, in 
1833 he was defeated as a candidate for Congress, but after- 
wards served one term in the State Senate. He died near 
Boonville in 1837. 

67. Benton and Lucas. — Thomas H. Benton was 
elected United States Senator with Mr. Barton, but not without 
great opposition. Mr. Benton had been a resident of Tennessee, 
had there been a member of the Legislature, and attained 
to the rank of colonel as commander of a Tennessee regiment 
in the War of 18 12. But his brother, Jesse Benton, and Amos 
Carroll had there fought a duel. Andrew Jackson had earn- 
estly espoused the cause of Carroll, which led Thomas Benton 
to vigorously denounce Jackson. In return Jackson attempted 
to horsewhip Benton on the streets of Nashville, and was shot 
in the arm by Jesse Benton. This made the Bentons very 
unpopular in Tennessee, and in 1813 Mr. Benton came to Mis- 
souri. In 181 7 he had a very noted duel with Charles Lucas, 
at that time United States attorney for the district of Mis- 
souri, and a son of the first chief justice of the Territory, 



412 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

Lucas was about twenty-five years old, and Benton was about 
forty. Lucas had challenged Benton, and when the fight came 
off was wounded in the neck but not killed. He expressed 
himself as satisfied. Then Benton in a violent rage demanded 
of Lucas that they fight till one or the other was killed. This 
they afterwards did and Lucas was killed. In the minds of 
many people this action of Mr. Benton was regarded as mur- 
der, and lost him many friends in the new State. He was 
opposed for the Senate by his adversary's father. Judge Lucas, 
and the balloting ran through several days without a choice. 
Finally Mr. Barton said he preferred Benton for his associate. 
He was accordingly elected, and served for thirty years, lack- 
ing five months, a longer time than was ever served by any 
Senator from any State until within recent years. 

68. The First Congressman. — Missouri was then en- 
titled to 'only one Congressman. John Scott was elected. 
He had for some time been the Territorial delegate and was 
a man of ability. He was born in Virginia in 1782, graduated 
at Princeton College in 1805, and soon afterwards settled at 
Ste. Genevieve ; was a delegate in Congress from the Ter- 
ritory of Missouri from 1817 to 1821 and then a Representa- 
tive in Congress till 1827, where he took high rank as a man 
of educated talent and bold integrity. When the contest came 
up in the House of Representatives for the election of a 
President he voted for John Quincy Adams, and was sup- 
ported in his action by Senator Barton, but opposed by Mr. 
Benton, who favored Jackson. - As a consequence Scott was 
never again returned to Congress. Nor did he ever again seek 
a public office. 

69. The Supreme Court. — By the terms of the Con- 
stitution the judges of the Supreme and Circuit courts were 



FIRST YEARS AS A STATE. 4I3 

to be appointed by the Governor, and the appointments con- 
firmed by the Senate. This law remained in force till 185 1, 
when it was changed, and judges thereafter were elected just 
as other officers. The first members of the Supreme Court 
were Mathias McGirk of Montgomery county, John D. Cook 
of Cape Girardeau, and John Rice Jones of Pike county. 
They were all men of great probity and judicial learning, 
and were elected without any regard to their politics. Mr. Mc- 
Girk remained a member of the court until 1841. Mr. Cook 
resigned within a year or two, and Judge Jones died in 1824. 
Both had been members of the Constitutional convention. 
Judge Jones had also been very prominent in the Territorial 
days as a member and president of the Legislative Council. 
George Tompkins was appointed in place of Mr. Jones, and 
served till 1845, twenty-one years, and then retired, having 
become sixty-five years old, beyond which age no person was 
then legally capable of being judge. 

70. The State Seal.— -The Constitution of Missouri 
provided that the Secretary of State should procure a seal of 
the State with suitable emblems and devices, ''which should 
not be subject to change." The Legislature of 1822 directed 
what the devices and emblems should be, and the present seal 
was fashioned and has been in use since. The following is a de- 
scription of it : On an inner circular shield equally divided by a 
perpendicular line, is a red field on the right side (the reader's 
left) in which is the grizzly or white bear of Missouri. Above, 
separated by a wave line, is a white or silver crescent in an 
azure field. On the left, on a white field are the arms of the 
United States. A band surrounds this circular shield, on which 
are the words, "United we stand, divided we fall." For the 
crest, over a yellow or golden helmet is a silver star, and above 



414 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 




State 


to 


with 


the 


the 


large 



it is a constellation of twenty-three smaller stars — Missouri 

being the twenty- 
fourth 
unite 
Union, 

star represents her 
and the other stars 
the rest of the 
Union. The sup- 
porters are two 
grizzly or white 
bears, standing on 
a scroll on which 
is inscribed the 
motto of the State, 
^'SaluS populi su- 
prema lex esto" — let the welfare of the people be the supreme 
law. Underneath the scroll are the numerals, MDCCCXX, 
which was the year of the adoption of the first Constitu- 
tion. Around the entire circle are the words, "The Great 
Seal of the State of Missouri." This seal is still kept in the 
office of the Secretary of State, and is stamped on all com- 
missions of officers and on every contract to which the State 
becomes a party. 

Questions on Chapter II. 

I. When was the first election held? (64) 

Who was the first Governor of the State? (64) 

What is said of Alexander McNair? (65) 

Of what was the first Legislature composed? (66) 

What counties were organized at this session? (66) 

Who were the first United States Senators from Missouri? 

(66) 

7. What is said of David Barton? (66) 



BATES AND MILLER. 4^5 

8. What is said of Thomas Benton? (67) 

9. What caused him great opposition in the State? (67) 

10. Who was the first Congressman? (68) 

11. Give a sketch of his life. (68) 

12. How were the first Supreme and Circuit Court judges 
chosen? (69) 

13. Who were the first Supreme Court judges? (69) 

14. How long could a judge serve under the first Constitu- 
tion? (69) 

15. Describe the State Seal. (70) 



CHAPTER III. 

BATES AND MILLER-1824-32. 

71. The Second Governor. — The second Governor was 
Frederick Bates of St. Louis. He had been prominent 
in the Territorial days and was a member of the constitutional 
convention. His opponent was William H. Ashley, who had 
been Lieutenant-Governor during McNair's administration, 
and who, because of his daring intrepidity in advancing the 
fur trade into the Rocky Mountains and in fighting the Indians, 
had invested his character with much romance. But Bates 
was successful. Before Mr. Bates had served a year as Gov- 
ernor, the people were called upon to mourn his death. Ben- 
jamin Reeves of Howard county had been elected Lieutenant- 
Governor along with him, and the office of Governor would 
have fallen to him until a special election could have been held 
had he not resigned before the death of Governor Bates, to 
become one of the Government commissioners in the opening 
up of the noted road from Leavenworth to Santa Fe. Under 
the law, therefore, the office devolved on the President of the 
Senate pro tempore, who at that time was Abraham J. Williams 
of Columbia, and who at once began to exercise the duties of 
Governor. But he was not permitted to fill out the remainder 



4i6 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



of the Governor's term. Under the Constitution of 1820 the 
Lieutenant-Governor (or if there was a vacancy in that office, 
the President of the Senate pro tempore) j on the death or 
resignation of the Governor, succeeded to the office, and held 
it only until a special election could be held to fill the va- 
cancy. Governor Williams proclaimed a special election to be 
held December 8, 1825, which resulted in the election of John 
Miller of Howard county, who' served out the remainder of 
the term. This was the only time in the history of the State 
that the President of the Senate pro tempore became Governor. 

72. Frederick Bates. — Frederick Bates w^as born in 
Goochland county, Virginia, in 1777. His education was be- 
gun in a private family school and ended in an academy. He 
studied law and at the age of twenty went to Detroit, a mili- 
tary post, and became its postmaster. In 1805 he was ap- 
pointed by President Jef- 
ferson the first judge of 
the Territory of Michigan. 
In 1806 he moved to St. 
Louis, and from that time 
till Missouri became a State 
Mr. Bates was continually 
in some capacity a Terri- 
torial officer. He was Sec- 
retary of the Territory un- 
der Governors Lewis, How- 
ard and Clark, and during 
the interims between their 
administrations he was act- 
FREDERIOK BATES. ingGovcrnor, and also dur- 

ing their protracted absence from the Territory. In 1808 he 




BATES AND MII.LER. 417 

compiled the ''Laws of the Territory of Louisiana/' the first 
book printed in St. Louis. In 1824 he was elected Governor 
to succeed McNair, without any solicitation or effort on his 
part. He died August 4, 1825. 

73. Duels. — Dueling had become a threatening evil 
among the prominent men of Missouri, and had greatly 
shocked public sensibility. Many of the duels had been fought 
on an island in the Mississippi river below St. Louis, which 
was long afterward known as "Bloody Island." During the 
administration of Governor Bates the Legislature undertook 
to break up this barbarous practice by making it odious. A 
bill passed both houses making the ''whipping post" the mode 
of punishment. But the Governor vetoed the bill because he 
could not approve of whipping as the penalty. In his veto 
message he said : "I am happy to record my utter detestation 
and abhorrence of dueling. My duty to my neighbors and 
myself would compel me, if possible, to put down so barbarous 
and so impious a practice." After his veto the bill failed to 
pass. This is the first recorded veto by a Governor of Mis- 
souri of which we have any knowledge. 

74. The Visit of Lafayette. — The year 1825 was made 
memorable by the visit of Marquis de Lafayette, and his 
son, George Washington Lafayette, to St. Louis. This great 
man, after an absence of fifty years in his own beloved France, 
had on the invitation of the President of the United States 
made a visit to the country whose independence he had done 
so much to win. While his own land had been filled with 
tumult, war and poverty, he now found the thirteen Colonies 
developed into a strong young nation of twenty-six States, 
happy, prosperous and free. He visited every State, and in 

27 



4l8 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

St. Loins, with its largely French population, he was received 
with great favor. His entrance into the city was an ovation 
— not like the triumph of a military conqueror, but like that 
of a devoted father and patriarch returning to his own after 
a long absence in a patriotic trust elsewhere. He came up 
the Mississippi, landed at the city on April 29, 1825, where 
half of its population had assembled to meet him, all familiar 
with his name, and many of them of the same nationality 
and familiar with his language. 

75. The Capital of the State.~The capital of Missouri 
was fixed by the Constitution on the Missouri river, within 
forty mile^ of the mouth of the Osage. Congress had granted 
the State four sections of land to be used for the seat of 
government. The first session of the General Assembly had 
appointed a commission of five men to locate the capital. 
After long and weary examinations Jefferson City was chosen 
and the first session of the Legislature met there in 1826. 
Prior tliereto it had held its sessions in St. Charles. The 
State-house was begun in 1823, at Jefferson City, on the site 
now occupied by the Governor's mansion, and was com- 
pleted by 1826, at a cost of $25,000. It burned down in 1837, 
and the present building was in part erected the next year 
from stone taken from quarries at the edge of the bluff only 
a few rods from the Capitol. This building was enlarged in 
1887, the whole structure having cost not less than $600,000. 
The Legislature of 1895 submitted to the voters of the State 
an amendment to the Constitution which provided for the re- 
moval of the capital to Scdalia. It was voted on at the 
general election of 1896, and was overwhelmingly defeated. 
The State capital, therefore, remains at Jefferson City, where 
the Constitution of 1875 placed it. 



BATES AND MILLER. 



419 



76. John Miller. — In 1828 General Miller was re-elected 
Governor, without opposition. The Adams party, which was 
now beginning to be called the Whig party, had no candi- 
date. Daniel DunkHn, of Potosi, was elected Lieutenant- 
Governor. Miller's administration was most satisfactory to 
the people. He was born in Berkeley county, Virginia, No- 
vember 25, 1 78 1, reared on a farm, and had the advantage 
of a common school educa- 
tion only. He evinced his 
predilection for military life 
when a boy by always "p^^J" 
ing soldier," and his ability to 
lead by always being captain 
of his company. In the early 
part of the last centur) 
he located at Steubenville, 
Ohio, where he edited and 
published a newspaper. While 
thus engaged, he was ap- 
pointed general of the State 
militia of Ohio, and held the J^^^^ miller. 

rank of colonel in the United States army throughout the war 
of 1812. He commanded the Nineteenth United States Infantry 
and was assigned to duty under General William Henry Har- 
rison. At the close of the war he was retained in the regular 
army and ordered to duty in Missouri. In 1817 he resigned 
his command and held the office of Register of Lands till 1825, 
when he was elected Governor, and served till 1832, a period 
of nearly seven years, a longer term than has ever been ex- 
tended to any other Governor. He afterwards was a Repre- 
sentative in Congress for six years, and died March 18, 1846. 




/ 

420 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

77. General Prosperity. — Governor Miller's adminis- 
tration was a time of general prosperity. The great body 
of the people were quietly toiling and preparing for the rising 
greatness of the State. All kinds of agricultural industry 
were followed with profit. At first most products sold at very 
low prices ; wheat at fifty cents per bushel, potatoes at fifty 
cents, flour at one dollar and fifty cents per hundred and 
pork at the same price, cows at from eight to twelve dollars 
and working oxen at from thirty to forty dollars. But these 
low prices were largely due to the difficulty of reaching the 
world's markets. Toward the close of his term steamboats 
became more frequent on the rivers, and transportation cheaper 
and easier. Then prices became better. 

78. Prairie Fires. — The "prairie fires" at this time pre- 
sented a sight never to be seen again. The prairies and woods 
were filled with snakes and numerous wild animals. To de- 
stroy these and prevent vegetation from decaying, in the 
nights of spring and fall the "prairie fires" were set, and made 
a beautiful scene, though sometimes attended with danger. 

79. The Election of 1832. — At the election in 1832 
there were three candidates for Governor. Daniel Dunklin 
of Washington county was the Democratic, Dr. John Bull of 
Howard was the anti-Jackson candidate and Samuel C. Davis 
was an independent candidate. Dunklin was elected by a 
majority of about 1,100. The Lieutenant-Governor was Lil- 
burn W. Boggs of Jackson county. Dr. Bull and William H. 
Ashley were the same year elected members of Congress, 
under a new apportionment which gave Missouri two Repre- 
sentatives instead of one. Governor Dunklin was inaugurated 
November 22, 1832. 



DUNKUN S ADMINISTRATION. 421 

Questions on Chapter III. 

1. Who was the second Governor of the State? (71) 

2. Who was his opponent? (71) 

3. What profitable trade did he advance? (71) 

4. How long did Bates serve? (71) 

5. Who succeeded to his ofifice on his death? (71) 

6. Why did not the Lieutenant-Governor do so? (71) 

7. Who was elected Governor in 1825? (71) 

8. Give a sketch of the life of Bates, (/z) 

9. What is said of dueling? {/;^) 

ID. What is thought to be the first Governor's veto? (7^) 

11. Describe the visit of Lafayette to St. Louis. (74) 

12. What is said of the capital of Missouri? (75) 

13. When was an attempt made to move it? (75) 

14. How? (75) 

15. Who was elected Governor in 1828? (76) 

16. What was the Adams party now called? (76) 

17. What is said of John Miller? (76) 

18. What is said of Miller's administration? (yy) 

19. Why were prices low? (77) 

20. What is said of prairie fires? (78) 

21. Who were the candidates for Governor in 1832? (79) 

22. Who was elected? (79) 



CHAPTER IV. 

GOVERNOR DUNKLIN'S ADMINISTRATION— 

1832-36. 
80. Governor Dunklin. — Daniel Dunklin, fourth Gov- 
ernor of Missouri, was born in South Carolina, in 1790; moved 
to Kentucky in 1807, and to Potosi, Missouri, in 1810. He 
was sherifif of Washington county while Missouri was yet 
a Territory, and was a member of the constitutional convention 
of 1820. He became Governor November, 1832, and espoused 
the cause of public schools so ardently that he may be justly 
called the father of the common school system of Missouri. 



422 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



One month before his term as Governor expired he resigned 

to accept the 'office of 
Surveyor-General of Mis- 
souri, IlHnois and Arkan- 
sas, which had been 
tendered him by President 
Jackson. In this capacity 
he estabhshed the bound- 
ary hne between Missouri 
and Arkansas, and laid out 
many of the counties of 
these three States. He 
died in 1844, and is buried 
near Pevely, Jefferson 
county, on the serene 
bluffs overlooking the 
DANIEL DUNKLIN. Mississippi — one of the 

most beautiful places on the majestic river. 

81. Cholera. — The Asiatic cholera, perhaps the most 
violent epidemic ever known in America, reached St. Louis 
in 1832. It had devastated cities in Europe; had crossed 
the seas and invaded New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore. 
The people of St. Louis had taken warning and made vigorous 
efforts to prevent its coming by using proper food and care- 
fully cleaning the streets. But the deadly malady nestled in 
the wings of the wind and baffled all opposition. It first at- 
tacked a soldier at Jefferson Barracks, at the outskirts of the 
city. It then spread rapidly among the people, many of whom 
fled to other climates. It lasted six or seven weeks. During 
a greater part of this time there were from twenty to thirty 




dumklin's administration. 423 

deaths a day. When it finally disappeared there had fallen 
one in every twelve of the city's population. It also appeared 
the same year in Ste. Genevieve, Cape Girardeau, and other 
places, but the next year it prevailed with greater fatality in 
-them. In 1849 it came again to St. Louis, with more direful 
results. In the midst of the consternation which seized upon 
the people a board of physicians pronounced against a vegetable 
diet and in favor of meat, and the city council passed a law 
prohibiting the use or sale of vegetables. The people, inter- 
preting this to mean that meat was a remedy for the disease, 
engorged themselves with it, eating even tO' gluttony. The 
price arose to enormous sums. But in a month or two the 
undue stimulating effects of the meat diet were seen, and the 
ordinance repealed. But still the number of deaths reached 
one hundred and sixty a day, and between April 30 and August 
6, 4,060 persons died from cholera alone. In 1850 and 185 1 
and again in 1867 it prevailed at various points along the 
Mississippi and Missouri, but rarely reached the towns a few 
miles from the river courses. In all these places the dreadful 
pestilence stalked the land leaving death and despair in its 
wake. The healthiest and stoutest men were often the first 
stricken. Persons of robust bodies would be attacked and in 
three or four hours waste away to skin and bones. So in- 
fectious was the disease supposed to be that burials frequently 
took place at night by torchlight, and often women and even 
parents assisted in burying their own dead. 

82. The Platte Purchase forms an unique niche in 
our American history. It was a procedure by which a large 
tract of land was added to an already large State. It was 
brought about by the inhabitants of Clay and adjoining coun- 



424 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

ties, led by men then or afterwards prominent in the State, 
and all gentlemen of ability and honor. Among them were 
General Andrew S. Hughes, vvho was said to be scarcely 
second to the celebrated John Randolph in wit and sarcasm 
and was a lawyer of excellent parts ; William T. WkDod, after- 
wards a resident of Lexington and a well known judge; A. 
W. Doniphan, the brave commander of "Doniphan's Expedi- 
tion" of the Mexican War ; and David R. Atchison, afterwards 
United States Senator. With the assistance of these gentle- 
men. Senators Benton and Linn pushed through Congress a 
bill by which all the country now embraced in the counties 
of Atchison, Andrew, Buchanan, Holt, Nodaway and Platte 
became a part of Missouri. On September 17, 1836, Captain 
William Clark, who had been superintendent of Indian affairs 
throughout Missouri since the time he was the Territorial 
Governor, formed a treaty with the Sac, Fox, and Iowa In- 
dians, by which they ceded this territory to the United States. 
In return the Indians were given $7,500 and four hundred sec- 
tions of land in northwestern Kansas, and the entire country, 
therefore, has been known as the Platte Purchase. It all lies 
between the Missouri river and a meridian line drawn through 
the mouth of the Kansas river, at Kansas City, and com- 
prises one of the richest bodies of land to be found anywhere. 
In December, 1836, Congress passed a law opening the coun- 
try to settlement, and the next year found it teeming with 
people from every State and many came from Canada, on ac- 
count of the Canadian rebellion. In a few years Platte county 
was next to St. Louis in population, and sent three members 
to the Legislature, and Buchanan sent two. This ascendency 
continued till the large emigration to Kansas in 1856. 



Dunklin's administration. 425 

83. The Election for Governor in 1836 took place in 
August, and was preceded by a warm campaign. Lilburn W. 
Boggs was the Democratic candidate, and William H. Ashley 
of St. Louis, the Whig candidate. Boggs was elected, and 
Franklin Cannon of Cape Girardeau was chosen Lieutenant- 
Governor. The vote at this election was sixty per cent greater 
than it had been four years before. In November John Miller 
and Albert G. Harrison of Callaway county were elected Rep- 
resentatives in Congress. 

Questions on Chapter IV. 

1. Who was the fourth Governor of Missouri? (80) 

2. Who was the Father of the Public School system? (80) 

3. What further is said of Dunklin? (80) 

4. What is said of the Asiatic cholera? (81) 

5. When did it first come and what places did it visit? (81) 

6. When did it next come and what results attended it in 
St. Louis? (81) 

7. When and where did it come again? (81) 

8. How did it attack the people? (81) 

9. What is said of the Platte Purchase procedure? (82) 

10. Who were the principal men in the movement? (82) 

11. What counties did it add to Missouri? (82) 

12. Who conducted the negotiations with the Indians? (82) 

13. What were the terms of exchange? (82) 

14. What Indian tribes were concerned in the purchase? (82) 

15. What is said of the settlement of the country? (82) 

16. In what months were the elections of 1836 held? (83) 



CHAPTER V. 



GOVERNOR BOGGS AND MORMON TROUBLES. 

84. Governor Boggs. — Lilburn W. Boggs was born at 
Lexington, Kentucky, in 1796. He served as a soldier in the 
War 'of 1812, and in 1816 came to Missouri, first settling 

at St. Louis, then at St 
Charles, Franklin, and in 
Jackson, county, being en- 
gaged most of the time in 



the fur trade. In 1826 he 
was elected to the Legisla- 
ture, and served in that 
body during several ses- 
sions. In 1832 he became 
Lieutenant - Governor, and 
on the resignation of Gov- 
ernor Dunklin, assumed the 
duties of his office. He 
was elected Governor in his 
own right within a month, inaugurated November 23, 1836, 
and served four years. He was afterwards a leading member 
of the State Senate, and in 1846 moved to California, where 
he filled honorable public offices, and died in 1861. 

85. Mormon Troubles. — The founder of Mormonism 
was Joseph Smith, an uneducated, eccentric, erratic youth of 
New York, who regarded himself as the "Revelator and 
Prophet" of a new faith, and claimed he was, by divine ap- 

(426) 




ULBURN W. BOGGS. 



GOVERNOR BOGGS AND MORMON TROUBI.ES. 427 

pointment, to establish a kingdom as precursory of the millen- 
nial reign of Qirist on earth. He was born in Vermont, and 
removed with his father to Palmyra, New York, in 1815. Here 
he became within a few years much Impressed by religious 
revivals. In 1823 he claimed an angel named Moroni came to 
him and revealed the place where plates of gold, containing 
inscriptions of the early history of America, could be found. 
These plates this angel delivered to him at the place men- 
tioned in the dream. They were covered with Eg}'ptian char- 
acters, resembling hieroglyphics, and by the aid of Oliver 
Cowdery, whom John the Baptist came to the earth to ordain, 
he translated them into the "Book of jMormon," as a special 
revelation from Heaven. This book has been the mythical 
source of the Alormon faith, and is accepted by the faithful 
Mormon as a revelation from God, of equal authority with 
the Bible. 

86. At Independence. — Smith made some converts in 
New York. In 183 1 he moved to Ohio, and the next year to 
Jackson county, Missouri, found the "Zion" of his prophecy 
at Independence and named it the "New Jerusalem." The 
"Saints" entered much land, owned all things in common, 
though most of the titles were in the bishops, established the 
"Lord's Storehouse" at the New Jerusalem arid started the 
Evening Star^ the first newspaper published in that part of the 
State, in which weekly appeared "revelations" promising won- 
derful things to the faithful. They called all persons not Mor- 
mons, Gentiles, and pronounced curses upon them, who tarred 
and feathered two of their bishops and threw their printing 
press into the streets. An encounter took place between the 
Mormons and Gentiles in 1833, near Westport, in which the 
latter were defeated, and two Gentiles and one IMormon were 



428 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

killed. Then the Mormons determmed to drive out the Gen- 
tiles from Independence, but the latter were successful and 
compelled the Mormons to cross the river into Clay, Carroll 
and chiefly Caldwell county. 

87. Far West. — In Caldwell county the Mormons began 
another town and called it "Far West," and Jo. Smith promised 
it would soon become one of the mighty cities of the world. 
Missionaries canvassed the East for converts. They poured 
into the new town rapidly. Settlements soon extended over 
four or five counties. In 1837 they began work on the temple 
at Far West. It was to be the most magnificent in the world. 
But it was never to be completed. Many industrious, pros- 
perous citizens had been drawn hither. Many thieves had also 
come. They believed it was proper for them to steal from 
the Gentiles. They, therefore, wandered through the coun- 
try and appropriated whatever they saw and desired. The 
majority of the people being Mormons, no punishment was 
inflicted upon the thieves, as they also claimed to be Mormons. 
This condition appealed to the citizens of other parts of the 
State for interference. 

88. Outside Interference. — It first began at DeWitt on 
the Missouri river in Carroll county. Here the Mormons 
had established a thriving settlement. It had a good wharf 
for boats and was the best port for Far West trade. Colonel 
G. W. Hinkle was the principal man of the town. A com- 
mittee of citizens, led by Rev. Sarchel Woods, notified him 
that at a large meeting in Carrollton it had been determined 
to drive the Mormons from DeWitt. Hinkle drew his sword 
and defiantly threatened death to all persons who would 
interfere with the Saints. "Put up your sword. Colonel," 
said Mr. Woods; "I am an old pioneer, have heard the In- 



GOVERNOR BOGGS AND MORMON TROUBI^ES. . 429 

dians yell, the wolves howl and the owls hoot; and am not 
alarmed at such demonstrations." But Hinkle did not go, and 
toward the last days of September, 1838, four or five hundred 
troops, under Congreve Jackson of Howard county, had bivou- 
acked near the town. The Mormons were reinforced also, 
and the Gentiles were anxious for a fray. But Judge Earick- 
son, of Howard county also, interfered in the interest of 
amicable settlement. The Mormons finally agreed to leave, 
to pay for all the cattle stolen, and the Gentiles were to pay 
first cost on the lands. Men, women and children loaded their 
goods into wagons and started a long, sad train for Far West. 

89. Mormons Expelled. — The indignation against the 
Mormons had now become general. The people clamored for 
their expulsion from the State. Governor Boggs ordered out 
the militia to put down the insurgents and enforce the laws. 
General John B. Clark of Howard county was put in charge 
of the raw militia and General A. W. Doniphan of the regular 
militia. A thousand Mormons, commanded by Colonel Hinkle, 
were in arms. In the southwest part of Caldwell, Clark and 
Doniphan first met David Patten, or Captain "Fear-Xot," who 
led the "United Brothers of Gideon," and who was there 
killed. Fifteen miles east of Far West they met 125 Mormons 
under arms, and a skirmish ensued in which eighteen of them 
were killed, some of them after they had surrendered. Clark 
and Doniphan pressed on toward Far West. The Mormon 
leaders agreed upon terms of surrender without a battle. They 
were to deliver up their arms, surrender their prominent 
leaders for trial, and all other Mormons should leave the State. 
Much distress followed these terms of surrender and the con- 
sequent removal. Many of the Mormons were poor. Like 
most early settlers of Missouri they had put most of their 



43^ HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

money into land. This they were required to part with for 
almost nothing. Farms were traded for a horse, or a wagon 
or a yoke of oxen. Most of their number, at that time about 
4,000 in Caldwell county, went to Nauvoo, Illinois. Far West 
is now a cornfield with only a few gravestones to mark its 
former site. 

90. Among the Leaders Surrendered were Joseph 
Smith, Parley P. Pratt, Colonel Hinkle, Jacob Gibbs, and 
others, about twenty in all. They were indicted for treason, 
arson, murder, robbery, resisting legal process, and other 
crimes. By change of venue their cases were taken to Boone 
county for trial. On the way Joseph Smith escaped by bribing 
the guard. Pratt escaped from jail. Gibbs and the others 
were tried before Judge David Todd and acquitted. General 
Doniphan was their lawyer. Joseph Smith joined his followers 
in Illinois. There, about 1842, he had another ''revelation" 
authorizing polygamy. He, his brother, and others were 
arrested and lodged in jail. Here a mob put them to death in 
June, 1844, but not till the Prophet had fought with despera- 
tion for his "life, killing one man and wounding two others. 
After his death the ''Council of Twelve Apostles" elected 
Brigham Young to be his successor. The Mormons were soon 
driven from Illinois to Utah, where they are still numerous 
and powerful. Some of them, however, among them Oliver 
Cowdery and David Whitmer, both of whom attested Smith's 
"Book of Mormon" as "a divine revelation and translation," 
remained in Missouri at the time most Mormons went to 
Nauvoo, withdrew from the body of Latter Day Saints, de- 
nounced its espousal of polygamy, and organized the "Church 
of Christ," which yet has an influential following in Ray and 



GOVERNOR BOGGS AND MORMON TROUBI^ES. 43 1 

Other counties, and holds to the "Book of Alormon" as a 
^'divine revelation." 

91. The Part Taken by Governor Boggs In driving 
out the Mormons detemiined their leaders upon his assassina- 
tion. He lived at Independence, and to that place in 1841 
came Peter Rockwell, a Mormon, who hired himself as a 
common laborer under a different name. After he had become 
acquainted he easily found an opportunity for his desperate 
intention. Late ofie evening as Boggs was leaning with his 
back to an open window, Rockwell shot him in the head. 
The wound was a terrible one; three of the balls lodged in 
his head and neck; another passed through and came out at 
the mouth. Nevertheless, he recovered. Rockwell was tried 
and acquitted. 

Questions on Chapter V. 

1. Who was the next Governor of Alissouri? (84) 

2. What is said of him? (84) 

3. What is said of Joseph Smith and the origin of the Book 
of Mormon? (85) 

4. When did the Mormons first come to Missouri? (86) 

5. How were they received at Independence? (86) 

6. What is said of Far West? (87) 

7. What now became the conduct of some persons claiming 
to be Mormons? (87) 

8. Why were they not punished? (87) 

9. Describe the troubles at DeWitt. (88) 

10. For what purpose did the Governor order out militia? (89) 

ir. Who was in command? (89) 

12. Whom did they first meet? (89) 

13- What of the next skirmish? (89) 

14. What did the Mormons now do? (89) 

15. What was done with their leaders? (90) 

16. What was Smith's next revelation? (90) 

17. What became of him? (90) 



432 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

i8. Who was his successor? (90) 

19. And what became of the Mormons of Illinois? (90) 

20. What is said of another sect of Mormons that remained 
in Missouri? (90) 

21. Describe the attempt to assassinate Boggs. (91) 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE ADMINISTRATION OF REYNOLDS AND 

MARMADUKE. 

92. Financial Troubles and State Banks.— At the time 
of the Presidential election of 1840, there was some dissatis- 
faction in Missouri with the Democratic party, which had been 
in power in the Federal Government for many years, because 
of the widespread financial troubles of a few years before. 
These had grown out of the wild speculations in lands and 
general recklessness in trade which had seized upon the nation 
some years before, and these financial panics were the natural 
results of the stringency and reaction following those reckless 
speculations. But the Whig party saw a good opportunity to 
turn them to fine political advantage and was not slow to do 
so. A few years before, the charter of the old United States 
Bank, which had been in existence, with the exception of a 
few years, for forty years, expired. The Whigs strongly 
favored its re-charter, but were defeated by the Democrats 
under the lead of President Jackson. After the overthrow 
of the bank, he had the national funds deposited in the various 
State banks. In each State there was one central bank, with 
branches at other commercial centers. In Missouri the prin- 
cipal bank was in St. Louis, with a branch at Fayette, and 



ADMINISTRATION OF REYNOLDS AND MARMADUKE. 43-3 

later on other branch banks were estabUshed at other points. 
This action on the part of Jackson preceded only about a year 
the storm which swept over the financial world in 1837, al- 
though the death blow to the bank had been given in 1832. 
The fate of the bank had little or nothing to do with the dis- 
tress, yet they came close together and the Whig party made 
much out of the coincidence. But the people of Missouri had, 
from their organization as a State, profited by the lessons 
learned in the financial troubles of 1818, and had avoided in 
a great measure much of the speculation rife elsewhere. They 
had always believed in "hard money," or gold and silver, and 
hence never were afflicted with the ''wild-cat" paper currency 
which proved so injurious to the prosperity of some States, 
except as they felt it in their outside trade. The Democratic 
party being then the special advocates of ''hard money," the 
majority of them up to this time had voted with that party. 
93. The State Ticket and the Result.— The Whigs 
undertook to wni them from their old faith, and the campaign 
of 1840 was the most energetic of any ever had in the State 
prior to the Civil War, if not up to this time. They supple- 
mented their national ticket in Missouri by adding to it one 
of the most powerful stump speakers ever in the State, Gen- 
eral John B. Gark of Howard county, as candidate for Gov- 
ernor. Their principal doctrines were opposition to Jackson's 
policy, and the liberal use of the State's and Government's 
money in public improvements within the State. But the Dem- 
ocrats were also active. They regarded President Jackson as 
the people's friend and the doctrines he and his followers so 
much emphasized as the true principles of civil government. 
In opposition to Clark they nominated Thomas Reynolds, also 

28 



434 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

of Howard county, a man of solid worth, and in spite of the 
active efforts of the Whigs the Democrats again carried the 
State, as they had always done since the formation of parties 
in the State, and as they have usually done since. Thomas 
Reynolds was elected Governor, and Meredith M. Marmaduke 
of Saline, Lieutenant-Governor. 

94. The Whigs. — The Whigs at this election for the 
first time assumed a distinct organization in Missouri. Before 
that, some Whigs had been very prominent in politics, and 
had been elected to important offices, but they were chosen 
often on account of their personal popularity and worth, 
rather than because of their politics. But for the next twelve 
years the party made bold and aggressive campaigns at every 
election, although it at no time gained control of the State. 
Among its members were many of the ablest and best men 
Missouri has ever had. They were also its wealthiest, which 
fact contributed no little to their defeat at the polls. The 
Whigs were often ^styled the ''aristocrats" of Missouri by 
their political enemies, and this did its share in preventing the 
party from gaining a strong hold on the popular heart. 

95. Muster Day. — Muster day was a time of much 
interest to the people of Missouri up to about 1840. In 1825 
the Legislature had enacted an elaborate law for organizing 
the militia. By it all men over eighteen years old and under 
forty-five, except a few specially exempt, were enrolled as 
State soldiers. The purpose of the law was to prepare the 
State for Indian wars or any 'other emergency that might 
arise. On the first Saturday of April every year, the citizens 
of each township, or, if the population was sparse, of each 
county, came together to be organized into companies and 
drilled for soldiers. This was called "Muster Day." Then 



ADMINISTRATION OF REYNOLDS AND MARMADUKE. 435 

in May all the companies in a county came together and were 
organized into battalions, drilled and paraded for several days. 
In October drills were had by regiments and brigades. All 
of these occasions were looked forward to by the people with 
a great deal of interest and expectation. The wealthy made 
display of gorgeous uniforms and splendid steeds, and chivalric 
heroes were received with demonstration of popular favor. 
On Muster Day nearly all the people from the surrounding 
country witnessed the organization and drill of the soldiers, 
and as a result it became a time when debts were paid, loans 
made, and much trading done. No other day in all the year 
was so generally observed and none did so much to get the 
people acquainted with each other. It also did much towards 
cultivating a pride in the State and her institutions. Offices 
in the militia, though almost entirely without emolument, were 
as eagerly sought after as any in the State. However, there 
were some persons exempt from this service. They were any 
civil officers, preachers, teachers, millers, and students in 
school. Ministers were at no time required to perform any 
kind of military service, nor were they permitted to hold any 
civil office till the new Constitution was adopted in 1865. But 
under the military law ministers could be chaplains, and to be 
chosen as such was an honorable distinction. 

96. Imprisonment for Debt. — The one act in Gov- 
ernor Reynold's life for which he will be most remembered, 
and in which he most prided himself, was the repeal of all 
laws which permitted imprisonment for debt. This was done 
by the Legislature at its session in 1842-43. Up to this time 
when one proved in court that another owed him a debt, how- 
ever small or large, he could have him imprisoned till it was 
paid. The laws in those times were unduly hard on the debtor. 



436 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



They allowed him but few things that a sheriff could not lay 
hold of and sell. If he had been unfortunate and lost his 
property, he could retain not over a hundred dollars worth for 
his family, and besides the avaricious creditor could come 

with an armed officer and 
take him away to jail, and 
thereby deprive his wife and 
children of the benefit of his 
toil. The worst part about 
such a law was that it was 
the cruel and avaricious man, 
the one without mercy or a 
danger of want, who' oftenest 
made use of it. It also 
worked the greatest hard- 
ship on those who needed the 
State's protection most. This 
barbarous law, which was 
THOMAS REYNOLDS. once in force in most of the 

early States, Governor Reynolds determined to have repealed. 
He wrote the act himself and by earnest and persistent en- 
deavor pushed it through the Legislature. It was one of the 
shortest laws ever enacted, and simply read, "Imprisonment 
for debt is hereby forever abolished." 

97. Thomas Reynolds. — Governor Reynolds, elected 
in 1840, was a man of excellent ability. He was born in Ken- 
tucky. He resided in Illinois for a few years, and was there 
Supreme Judge of the State. In 1828 he moved to Missouri, 
was successively a member of the General Assembly, Speaker 
of the House, Circuit Judge, and Governor. While yet hold- 




ADMINISTRATION OF REYNOLDS AND MARMADUKE. 437 



ing this last office, on February 9, 1844, for the first time in 
his hfe, he asked a divine blessing at his breakfast table, then 
went to a room in the Ex- 



ecutive Mansion, locked the 
door and shot himself. For 
several months he had been 
in po'or health. It was 
thought this and domestic 
troubles had impaired his 
sanity. He left a note in 
which he said ''the abuse and 
slander of his enemies" had 
rendered his life a burden to 
himself and prayed God to 
^'forgive them and teach 
them more charity." Lieu- 




MARMADUKE. 



tenant-Governor Marmaduke became the Governor and served 
till the twentieth of the next November, being a man of emi- 
nently respectable talents, and making a wise and safe ruler. 

98. The Election of 1844.— The election of 1844 has 
some interest beyond ordinary elections. Congress, at a 
previous session, had given instruction for the division of the 
State into Congressional districts. By the census of 1840, 
Missouri had, because of the great increase of her popula- 
tion, become entitled to five Representatives in Congress in- 
stead of two as was the case from 1830 to 1840. Up to this 
time the State had never been divided into Congressional 
districts, nor was it now. The Legislature would not acknowl- 
edge the authority of Congress in the matter and refused to 
district the State. This action created some feeling in political 
affairs, and the Whigs, professing to believe the election of 



438 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

Congressmen on a general ticket in this wise would be illegal, 
refused to nominate candidates, and let the election go by 
default. The Democrats, left free from the opposition of a 
common rival, disagreed among themselves. One faction, 
which wished for silver and gold (hard) money and also 
desired the return of Thomas H. Benton to the Senate, be- 
came known as ''Hards," and nominated John C. Edwards of 
Cole county for Governor, and James Young of Lafayette for 
Lieutenant-Governor, and placed on the same ticket five can- 
didates for Congress. The "Softs" desired a liberal issue of 
paper money and were opposed to the return of Mr. Benton 
to the Senate, his long dominant influence in the State having 
become distasteful to them. They did not nominate a candi- 
date for Governor, but supported Charles H. Allen, an Inde- 
pendent candidate, who was also' supported by the Whigs. 
Edwards was elected by a majority of 5,600 votes, and was 
inaugurated November 20, 1844. At this election John S. 
Phelps and Sterling Price were elected to Congress— men 
destined to become very prominent in State afifairs for the 
next thirty years. 

Questions on Chapter VI. 

1. What caused dissatisfaction with the Democratic party? 
(92) 

2. What had caused these troubles? (92) 

3. What is said about the establishment of State banks? (92) 

4. What did the Whigs claim this action caused? (92) 

5. What about "wild cat" money in Missouri? (92) 

6. What course did the Whigs pursue? (93) 

7. What is said of John B. Clark? (93) 

S. How did the Democrats regard Andrew Jackson? (93) 

t\ Whom did they nominate for Governor? (93) 

10. Who were elected? (93) 

11. What is said of the Whigs in section 94? 

12. Describe the militia and muster day. (95) 



ADMINISTRATION OF EDWARDS AND KING. 



439 



13. What is said of positions in the militia? (95) 

14. What citizens could not then hold civil office? (95) 

15. For what great act is Thomas Reynolds remembered? (96) 

16. What is said of such a law? (96) 

17. What were the exact words of the repealing statute? (96) 

18. Who became Governor in February, 1844? (97) 

19. Discuss the election of 1844 and the issues. (98) 

20. What two noted men were elected to Congress? (98) 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF GOVERNORS 
EDWARDS AND KING. 

99. Governor Edwards. — John Cummings Edwards, 
the eighth Governor of Missouri, was born in Kentucky in 
1806, but was reared in Rutherford county, Tennessee, and 
received a classical educa- 
tion. He was licensed to 
practice law in Tennessee, 
arjd came to Missouri in 
1828. In 1830 he was ap- 
pointed Secretary of State 
by Governor Miller, and 
held the office till 1837, and 
then was a member of the ^^ 
Legislature for one term, in 
the meantime giving special \^ 
attention to his farm, 'of 
which he was very fond. In 
1840 he was elected to Con- 
gress, and in 1844 he became Governor and served till the 
27th of December, 1848. The following May he left Missouri 
for California, where he died in 1888. 




JOHN C. EDWARDS. 



440 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

100. Texas. — The annexation of Texas and the acquire- 
ment of New Mexico are a part of the history of Missouri. 
The United States had once a shadowy title to Texas. In 
1 819 it was traded to Spain for the Floridas. The poHcy of 
the nation, it mattered not which party was in power, was 
from that time on to regain it. But from the time Spain ac- 
quired it there had been a constant stream of emigrants thither 
from Missouri. Hence the people of this State were closely 
connected with those of Texas by ties of blood. "It is prob- 
ably within the bounds to assert that between 1822 and 1836 
there were few prominent Missouri families that were not at 
some time represented in the life of Texas." A Missourian 
named Austin made a settlement there and gave his name to 
its present capital. In 1835 Texas won her independence from 
Mexico in a predatory war known as the Texas Rebellion, 
and was largely assisted by Missourians who could not ignore 
her cry for help, although all the assistance given was by 
private citizens, who gave their aid on their own responsibility 
and not from any authority or consent of the State or Union. 
But soon after winning her independence Texas desired to 
become a State. This was at first stoutly opposed, but in 1844 
her admission to the Union was made the principal issue in the 
Presidential campaign. Missouri's interest in the matter was 
yet strong. She was in favor of the admission of Texas, and 
so cast her vote against Henry Clay, the most popular candi- 
date the opposition could bring forward, and always a favorite 
in Missouri. The nation as well declared for her admissiom, 
and the matter having been settled by the popular voice, Texas 
was admitted into the Union in 1845. Mexico had prior thereto 
warned the United States that such admission would cause 
her to declare war. Accordingly on April 24, 1846, the Mex- 



ADMINISTRATION OF EDWARDS AND KING. 



441 



ican commander on the Texas border notified General Zachary 
Taylor that he considered hostilities to have begun, and a few 
days afterwards Congress declared "war existed by the act of 
Mexico." 

101. Doniphan's Expedition. — ]\Iany ^lissourians took 
part in the ^lexican War. A few hundred of them joined 
the regular army under Taylor and Scott and shared in the 
honor of capturing the city of ^Mexico. But so far as the 
United States was concerned this was by no means as import- 
ant as the subjugation and acquirement of New ^lexico, 
which was done almost entirely by ^lissouri volunteers. In 
the middle of May, 1846, Governor Edwards called for volun- 
teers to join the ''Army of the West." Thirteen hundred and 
fifty-eight men assembled at Fort Leavenworth from the coun- 
ties of Jackson, Lafayette, Saline, Clay, Franklin, Cole, How- 
ard, and Callaway. A. W. Doniphan of Clay was elected 
colonel, and because of his prudent wisdom and energy in 
the campaign, it has usually 
been called "Doniphan's Ex- 
pedition." They were joined 
at Leavenworth by 300 reg- 
ulars from the United States 
army, with 16 pieces of artil- 
lery, and the whole force was 
placed under the command 
of General Kearney, also 
a citizen of "Missouri. In 
June they set out over the 
plains for Santa Fe, 900 
miles distant, and reached it 
in less than fifty days, having 




ALEXANDER W. DONIPHAN. 



442 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

traveled through an uninhabited country and suffered much 
for water, yet with Httle loss in men or animals. 

102. Capture of Santa Fe. — Upon their approach the 
Mexican governor abandoned the place, and so the Americans 
took possession ''without firing a gun or shedding a drop of 
blood." Santa Fe was then the center of the overland trade 
with Missouri and the distributing point for all trade with 
northern Mexico. It was the political capital of the country 
north of the Rio Grande, which hitherto had resisted all at- 
tempts at conquest by Texas. The next day after its capture, 
General Kearney issued a proclamation by which he absolved 
the people from all allegiance to Mexican authority, and by 
*'one stroke of the pen transformed them into citizens of the 
United States.'' With characteristic energy and aggressive- 
ness. General Kearney caused a constitution and code of laws 
to be prepared by Doniphan and Willard P. Hall, both Mis- 
souri lawyers, which changed New Mexico in name and fact 
from a province of Mexico into a Territory of the United 
States. He appointed Charles^ Bent Governor and Francis P. 
Blair Attorney-General. He then set out for the Pacific coast 
to bring California under like subjugation, leaving Colonel 
Doniphan in command. The day after his departure Colonel 
Sterling Price arrived at Santa Fe. He had resigned his seat 
in Congress and taken the lead of a large force of men and 
marched to join the "Army of the West," one company having 
been collected from each of the counties of Boone, Benton, 
Carroll, Chariton,. Linn, Livingston, Monroe, Randolph, Ste. 
Genevieve and St. Louis. 

103. Battle of Bracito. — Leaving Price in charge of 
the troops at Santa Fe, and having in a short time put down 
a considerable uprising of the Navajo (pro. Nay-a-h'Q) In- 



ADMINISTRATION OF EDWARDS AND KING. 443 

dians, who had long been in hostilities with the people of 
New Mexico, Doniphan started to Chihuahua (She-waw-waw) 
900 miles distant, to join General Wool. A sandy desert, 
without wood or water, had to be crossed. In three days this 
was done and the army had running water. They arrived on 
Christmas day at a little place called Bracito (Bra-se-to). 
Here they halted and began to collect feed for their horses and 
water and fuel. Suddenly a superior force of Mexicans darted 
upon them in full fire. The Missourians quickly formed on 
foot, held their fire till the Mexicans came within easy range 
of their guns and after a half hour's fighting drove them from 
the field, "leaving 63 dead and 150 wounded." 

104. Capture of Chihuahua. — Two days later Doni- 
phan reached El Paso and learned Wool had not taken 
Chihuahua nor moved toward it. After waiting till the eighth 
of February for the arrival of some artillery from Santa Fe 
under Captain Weightman, also a Missourian, he set out again. 
In three weeks he was within fifteen miles of Chihuahua, 225 
miles from El Paso, with 924 effective men and a caravan 
of 300 traders' wagons which had followed him all the way for 
protection and trade with the Mexicans. Here Doniphan 
learned "the enemy was strongly posted on high ground, forti- 
fied by entrenchments and well supplied with artillery," con- 
sisting of "about 4,000 men, of whom 1,500 were rancheros 
badly armed with lassos, lances and cornknives." Despite their 
superior numbers he determined to attack them. He advanced 
with seven dismounted companies and three mounted. A 
charge of these with the aid of twO' twelve-pound cannon de- 
cided the battle. The Mexicans fled. Three hundred of them 
were killed, three hundred wounded and forty taken prisoners. 
The Missourians' loss was one killed and eleven wounded. 



444 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

The Missourians now started for the mouth of the Rio Grande, 
which they reached the ninth of June, 1847, and the next day 
embarked for New Orleans and for home. 

105. A Pleasing Incident.— After leaving Chihuahua 
only one incident need be mentioned. The Mexican people 
of Parras had shown great kindness to the sick of Wool's army. 
After he left they had been plundered and threatened by a 
marauding band of Indians. Although Mexicans they appealed 
to Doniphan for help, who detached Captain Reid and thirty- 
five men for the purpose. They severely punished the Indians 
and recaptured and returned to their parents eighteen Mex- 
ican boys and girls. This shows how willing these Missouri 
boys were to do' an act of humanity to even an enemy in dis- 
tress. 

106. Results of the Expedition. — This was the end of 

"Doniphan's Expedition." He had traveled 3,000 miles 
from Fort Leavenworth to the mouth of the Rio Grande in 
nine months, with a loss all told of less than fifty men, and 
had prepared the way for the acquirement by the United States 
of New Mexico, a tract nearly twice as large as Missouri. 

107. Price Around Santa Fe. — We must return to 
Santa Fe to note what had been going on there. There was 
a ''deadly hostility" toward the Americans; an intrigue was 
formed, and in an uprising of Mexicans on the nineteenth of 
January, 1847, Governor Bent had been killed while on a visit 
to his family at Taos, seventy miles from Santa Fe. Colonel 
Price set out at once with 350 men and met the Mexicans at 
Canada, New Mexico. After a short skirmish the Mexicans 
were driven from their position. They left behind thirty-six 
dead on the field. Price's loss was two killed and seven 



ADMINISTRATION OF EDWARDS AND KING. 445 

wounded. Price followed on. He was joined by Captain 
Burgwin with one company, which swelled his number to four 
hundred and eighty. The enemy had taken refuge in a pueblo 
near San Fernando de Taos. This place was enclosed with 
strong walls and pickets. In it were two pyramid-shaped 
buildings seven or eight stories high, and built of sun-dried 
brick. Their walls were thick and pierced for rifles. Here 
the Mexicans successfully defended themselves for two days. 
•Price's cannon could not make a breach in the stubborn walls 
of these buildings. He, therefore, ordered that they be stormed 
on all sides at once. The soldiers cut their way through the 
walls with axes, and then brought up their six-pound cannon, 
by which the ''holes were widened into a practicable breach." 
The buildings were carried without further resistance and the 
siege was ended, with 150 Mexicans killed out of six or seven 
hundred, and seven of the Missourians killed and forty-five 
wounded, many of whom died. Fifteen of the prisoners were 
hanged for treason. 

108. New Mexico Won. — Thus ended the revolt. But 
it began again in a few months. It had all the time been 
carried on by small bands of marauders, red and white, who 
robbed passing trading wagons. Soon came the report that 
a large hostile force was approaching from the south. Price 
called for additional troops. He was soon at the head of 
3,000, nearly all of whom were from Missouri. With this 
number he found no difficulty in maintaining order and the 
position he had won. The people of New Mexico in a short 
time submitted to the situation, and the treaty of 1848 ending 
the Mexican War, gave sanction to what had been done by 
Kearney, Doniphan, and Price, and acknowledged that New 
Mexico had for some time been territory of the United States. 



446 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



109. Austin A. King. — In 1848 Austin A. King, of 
Ray county, was put forward by the Democrats for Governor, 
and James S. Rollins, of Boone, by the Whigs. The Demo- 
crats had steadily gained in 
numbers during the past 
four years, and although 
Rollins was one of the most 
popular and gifted men in 
the State, King was elected 
by 15,000 majority out of a 
total vote of 83,000. Thomas 
L. Price, a Benton Demo- 
crat of Cole county, was 
elected Lieutenant-Governor. 
King was born in Tennessee 
in 1 80 1, a son of an old 
Revolutionary family. He 
received a good education, 
became a learned lawyer, 




AUSTIN A. KING. 



and came to Missouri, first settling in Boone county, and served 
one term in the Legislature from there. In 1837 he moved 
to Ray county and was appointed circuit judge, and served in 
that capacity till elected Governor. He was elected to Con- 
gress in 1862, and died in 1870. 

110. Fire in St. Louis. — A destructive fire occurred in 
May, 1849, among the boats at St. Louis. The steamer, 
White Cl'oud, took fire. Twenty-three other boats were soon 
in flames. The line of conflagration was a mile long. The 
fire spread to the city and whole blocks were burnt. All the 
buildings on Front street, from Locust to Market, were swept 



ADMINISTRATION OF EDWARDS AND KING. 447 

away. Three million dollars was the value of the property 
destroyed. 

111. The Iowa Line. — In 1849 the Supreme Court of 
the United States settled the long and sore contest between 
Iowa and Missouri as to which should own a strip of land 
twenty miles wide lying between the undisputed territory of 
each. The Missouri Constitution, which had been accepted 
by Congress in 1821, said that the northern boundary line 
should be the ''parallel that passes through the rapids of the 
river Des Moines, making the said line correspond with the 
Indian boundary line." Missouri claimed the northern border 
should be a parallel of latitude which passed through the 
rapids of the river Des Moines, and Iowa claimed it should be 
a parallel which passed through the Des Moines rapids in the 
Mississippi twenty miles further south. From 1837 the in- 
habitants of this strip had voted at Missouri elections. But 
in 1845 3. Missouri sheriff, acting under the order of a Mis- 
souri court, had arrested some criminals on this strip, and was 
himself arrested and cohvicted by an Iowa Territorial court 
on the ground that he was exercising authority on Iowa ter- 
ritory. The contention at once took a serious face, and was 
made the subject of many fiery speeches in the campaigns for 
several years. Unfriendly and revengeful feelings began to 
grow between the people of Missouri and Iowa. The matter 
was quietly and peaceably settled, however, by the United 
States Supreme Court, and thus the importance of having 
such a body to settle disputes between the States was shown. 

112. The Settlement. — The Indian border line was 
adopted as the proper dividing line between the two States. 
It ran almost in the middle of the twenty-mile strip. It had 
been established in 18 16, by John Sullivan, as the nortliern 



448 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

boundary of Missouri. Sullivan was a United States sur- 
veyor, appointed for the purpose of establishing this line. The 
mistake made in running it was one cause of the trouble, and 
that mistake has never been corrected and still remains. He 
began on a meridian one hundred miles north of Kansas City, 
and, instead of running due east, varied to the north, and at 
the river Des Moines had varied four miles in that direction. 
But the United States had by no less than sixteen treaties with 
the Indians recognized the line he ran as the border of Mis- 
souri. Missouri had so regarded it up to 1837, ^^^ the court 
now held that it should forever be the dividing line between 
the two States. By this decision Missouri lost a strip of land 
ten miles wide on the east and fourteen on the west ; and Iowa 
lost the rest of the twenty-mile strip. This will explain why 
the border line between Missouri and Iowa does not run due 
east and west. 

Questions on Chapter VII. 

1. Give a sketch of the life of John C. Edwards. (99) 

2. How did the United States acquire the Floridas? (100) 

3. What part did Missourians take in settling Texas? (100) 

4. What is said of the Texas Rebellion? (100) 

5. And the efforts to make Texas a State? (100) 

6. How did the war begin? (100) 

7. What part did Missourians take in the Mexican War? (100) 

8. Describe Doniphan's expedition. (loi) 

9. Describe the capture of Santa Fe. (102) 

10. What else did Kearney do? (102) 

11. Who now came on the scene? (102) 

12. What did Doniphan do? (103) 

13. Describe the battle of Bracito. (103) 

14. Describe the capture of Chihuahua. (104) 

15. What pleasing incident is mentioned? (105) 

16. What were some of the results of the expedition? (106) 

17. What had been going on at Santa Fe? (107) 



BENTON AND THE JACKSON RESOLUTIONS. 449 

.18. Describe the capture of San Fernando de Taos. (107) 

19. How was New Mexico finally won? (108) 

20. What is said of Austin A. King? (109) 

21. What destructive fire is mentioned? (no) 

22. What is said of the contentions over the Iowa line? (in) 

23. How was the issue settled? (in) 

24. What line was fixed upon? (112) 

25. What did Missouri gain and lose by this decision? (112) 



CHAPTER VIII. 
BENTON AND THE JACKSON RESOLUTIONS. 

113. Contentions Over Slavery. — The slavery question 
again stirred the State. It grew out of the acquisition, by the 
nation, of California and New Mexico. All of the last and 
part of the first lay south of parallel thirty-six degrees and 
thirty minutes, agreed upon by Congress' as the line north of 
which slavery was not to exist. But African slavery had never 
existed in New Mexico. When, therefore, it became territory 
of the United States, the north contended that slavery must not 
be introduced there. It was the desire of the south that it 
should. A large portion of the people of Missouri held that 
the proper way to settle the matter was for Congress not to 
interfere at all, but let the inhabitants of the territory determine 
for themselves whether or not slavery should exist there. By 
way of giving expression to this view a series of propositions 
known as the "J^-ckson Resolutions" were passed by the Leg- 
islature in January, 1849. They were so called because Clai- 
borne F. Jackson of Howard county, afterwards Governor of 
the State, was chairman of the committee which reported them 
to the Senate, though they were written, it is said, by Judge 

29 



450 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

W. B. Napton, a member of the Supreme Court from the 
county of Saline. 

114. The Jackson Resolutions. — The Jackson Resolu- 
tions were passed by a vote of about twenty-four to seven in 
the Senate and sixty to twenty-two in the House, the Demo- 
crats generally voting for them and the Whigs against. The 
resoluti'ons were six in number. Only the salient points of 
three or four of them need be here given. The first contended 
that the Constitution gave Congress no power to legislate on 
the subject of slavery; the fourth, that the right to prohibit 
slavery in any territory belongs exclusively to the people 
thereof; the fifth, that if Congress passed any act in conflict 
with these principles, Missouri will co-operate with ''the slave- 
holding States for our mutual protection against the encroach- 
ments of Northern fanaticism." The sixth, instructed Messrs. 
Benton and Atchison, Missouri's United States Senators, to 
act in conformity with these resolutions. Atchison did so, but 
Benton refused, and appealed to the people for indorsement. 
He claimed slavery was an ''incurable evil" and therefore it 
ought not to be extended. 

115. The Opposite Viev^r. — The claim was admitted by 
many of the men who voted for the resolutions, but they yet 
held that the people of the Territory ought to determine for 
themselves whether slavery should exist in their midst ; that 
it was not a question whether slavery was right or wrong, 
but of non-interference by Congress. They said the people 
of the slave-holding States had a right, under the Constitution, 
which guaranteed freedom of commerce amt)ng the States, to 
go into any of the Territories they had helped to acquire, 
taking their slaves with them if they so desired, upon the same 
footing as that upon which the people of the North were per- 



BENTON AND THE JACKSON RESOLUTIONS. 



451 



mitted to move into the same Territory without slaves. It 
was by no means certain that all the Territories would desire 
to become slave States. Some would not. Mr. Benton had 
always been quietly opposed to slavery, but he could have ac- 
cepted this view of non-interference without surrendering his 
convictions in regard to it. It was afterwards, in 1857, accepted 
by the Supreme Court of the United States, as a reasonable 
view of the rights of a State under the Constitution. 

116. Benton's Position. — But Mr. Benton was not a 
man o*f compromises. He welcomed friction, and gloried in 
the prospect of overcoming his enemies. He was possessed 
with superb courage, physical and moral, and an imperious 
will. He ignored and brushed aside the views of the sup- 
porters of the Jackson Resolutions. He had no conciliation to 
make. He had always been ardently devoted to the Union. 
In this ardor and his own imperious domination, he mistook 
the views and purposes of 
those of his own party who 
differed from him. He had 
been a devoted follower of 
Andrew Jackson, and gave 
great support to that man 
of iron in his endeavors 
to humiliate, break down, 
and punish Mr. Calhoun, '^^^' 
against whom Jackson had '^ 
a deep personal grievance. 
Benton could see nothing 
in the Jackson Resolutions 
but a reiteration of Cal- 
houn's nullification doc- 




THOMAS II. BENTON. 



45^ HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

trines. He thought they meant disunion and secession. Per- 
haps he was honest in this view. His ardor for the Union 
and his devotion to Andrew Jackson and his disHkes for 
Calhoun perhaps led him to enlarge their import and grounded 
liim in his belief. Yet the friends of the Resolutions did not 
so regard them. Many of those who strongly supported them 
were a few years later loyal supporters of the Union cause. 
Benton had given the Resolutions a meaning which few or 
none of those voting for them believed was the proper in- 
ference. He appealed to the people to stand to his interpreta- 
tion. He made a tremendous struggle to be sustained, and 
spoke with incisive invective against his opponents in every 
part of the State. Strong men of the Democratic party 
opposed him. The Whigs took no part' in the contest. 

117. Benton's Dov^nfall.— When the General Assembly 
met Benton was defeated, the opposing Democrats voting with 
the Whigs and thus electing Henry S. Geyer of St. Louis to 
the United States Senate. Mr. Benton had been the political 
leader and autocrat of the State for thirty years. But from this 
time on his power was broken. He represented St. Louis one 
term in Congress, from 1853-55, but was then defeated by 
Luther M. Kennett, a Know Nothing. In 1856 he was a feeble 
candidate for Governor on his own personal strength as an in- 
dependent candidate, but was defeated. Had he not tried to 
make the Jackson Resolutions mean something which the great 
body -of the people did not intend them to mean, he might have 
held his seat in the Senate till his death. After his defeat the 
Democratic party committed itself to non-interference by Con- 
gress in questions of slavery in new Territories, and there 
was political peace for a few years till the breaking out of 
fresh trouble in Kansas. 



FROM 1852 TO i860. 453 

Questions on Chapter VIII. 

1. What troublesome question again arose when California 
and New Mexico had been acquired? (113) 

2. What was the attitude of the North? (113) 

3. What was Missouri's contention? (113) 

4. In what way did they give expression to their views? (113) 

5. Name the salient points of the Jackson Resolutions. (114) 

6. How did Benton and Atchison regard them? (114) 

7. What argument was made for the Resolutions? (115) 

8. What was Benton's attitude? (116) 

9. What is said of the struggle? (116) 

10. What was the result? (117) 

11. What attitude did the Democratic party now assume? (117) 



CHAPTER IX. 

FROM 1852 TO 1860. 

118. The Election.— At the election of 1852 Sterling 
Price, of Chariton county, was put forward by the Demo- 
cratic party for Governor. The Whigs nominated James 
Winston, of Benton county, who was a grandson of the great 
Patrick Henry, and a man of many marked characteristics. 
Price was elected by a majority of nearly 14,000 votes. Wilson 
Brown, of Cape Girardeau, was elected Lieutenant-Governor. 
The new Governor was inaugurated the first Tuesday in Jan- 
uary, 1853, and the Legislature for many weeks was stirred 
by animated discussions of the famous Jackson Resolutions 
which had been passed at a previous session. 

119. Sterling Price. — Sterling Price was born in Vir- 
ginia in 1809, educated at Hampden-Sidney college, and came 
to Missouri with his father in 1831, first settling at Fayette, 
and two years later at Keytesville, in Chariton county, where 



454 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



he engaged in merchandising for two years, and then settled 
on a large farm eight miles south of that town and engaged 
in farming till 1861. In 1840 he was elected to the Legisla- 
ture and was chosen Speaker, and in 1842 was re-elected to 

both positions. In i8z^. he 
was elected to Congress. 
When the Mexican War 
broke out he resigned and 
was commissioned by Presi- 
dent Polk to raise and com- 
mand a regiment, and be- 
fore the war closed rose to 
the rank of Brigadier-Gen- 
eral. In 1852 he was elect- 
ed Governor as a Democrat, 
and made the State a faith- 
ful and wise chief magis- 



trate. During his term he 
urged the Legislature to 
pass a law increasing the 
salary of the Governor, for the benefit of his successor. 
The Legislature provided for the increase to begin at 
once; but as the Constitution said the Governor's salary 
should not be increased or decreased while he was In office, 
he refused to accept the increase. In i860 he was elected 
to the convention which declared Missouri would not 
secede, and was made its chairman. After the capture of 
Camp Jackson by the Union troops, he accepted from 
Governor Jackson the appointment of Major-General of 
the State troops, and in May, 1862, joined the Confederacy 
and fought for it till it was vanquished. The brilliant qualities 
which he exhibited in so many ways during the war so en- 




GENERAL STERLING PRICE. 



FROM 1852 TO i860. 455 

deared him to the people of the South that, with the exception 
of Lee and Jackson, no man among all their cherished heroes 
is remembered with more ardent and sincere afifection. After 
the war he returned to St. Louis and engaged in the business 
of a commission merchant, and died there in 1867. 

120. Internal Improvements. — In the meantime the 
State had, for the first time since its organization, committed 
itself to a liberal policy of internal improvements. As early as 
1836 charters had been granted to private companies to con- 
struct better wagon roads. Commercial centers had sprung up 
far from the navigable rivers. Freighting to them had been 
done almost exclusively by ox-wagons. Plank or macadam roads 
were now constructed. This gradually called into use wagons 
and other vehicles drawn by horses. No State aid had been 
given to any of these improvements. But in 1849 the General 
Assembly — the same one which passed the Jackson Resolu- 
tions — found the State out of debt and her revenue largely 
increasing, and a popular demand for State aid to railroads. 
In February the construction of the Missouri Pacific railway 
from St. Louis to the western border of the State was author- 
ized. The survey was soon made, and construction began in 
July, 1850. Other railroads were then rapidly projected. 

121. The Doors Open. — The doors of the public treas- 
ury had been opened to the Missouri Pacific. Other roads 
claimed an equal right to favoritism. There was no stopping 
place now. In quick succession aid was given to the St. Louis 
& San Francisco (the "Frisco"), the Iron Mountain, the Wa- 
bash, the Hannibal & St. Joseph, and other railroads. In eight 
years these roads received from the State its bonds to the 
amount of tv/enty-thrce million^ dollars, which they were al- 



456 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

lowed to sell for cash, but the interest of which the roads 
agreed to pay. In this most of them failed, and hence the 
State had to pay the interest. This was the foundation of the 
great debt the State had to pay in after years. Besides this 
immense aid given by the State, tlie Union gave these roads 
about 1,800,000 acres of land. 

122. Railroad Construction. — The entire length of all 
railroads in the United States in 1850 was about 9,000 miles. 
^lissouri alone now has ahiiost that amount of mileage. Xo 
one can calculate the effect of these railroads in developing 
the resources of the State, in changing the pursuits of the 
people, in multiplying their powers for producing things, in 
drawing them closer to the rest of the country and to the 
whole world, and in unifying them into a homogeneous whole. 
The first railroad of any considerable extent in the State was 
the Missouri Pacific. It was completed between St. Louis and 
JefiFerson City by November i, 1855. Eighty-five miles of the 
Iron Mountain had been built from St. Louis to Pilot Knob 
by 1858. In the same year the Hannibal and St. Joseph was 
completed between the two cities for which it was named. The 
Frisco was constructed from St. Louis as far as Rolla by 1861. 
The Wabash reached Warrenton by 1855, ^lexico in 1858, 
and in the next ten years was extended to Kansas City. These 
were the first railroads built, but within the next twenty years 
the Missouri, Kansas and Texas, the Chicago and Alton, and 
other great lines were built, but the building of branches to 
these main lines and of other trunk roads still goes on. 

123. Some Interesting Matters. — Friction matches, such 
as are now used in every household, did not come into use 



FROM 1852 TO i860. 457 

until about 1845. Prior to that time the people ''covered" the 
fire in their stoves or fireplaces, and if it failed to "keep" they 
went to their neighbors to "borrow some fire," or started it 
anew by striking a small flint rock against a piece of steel and 
permitting the spark to communicate to punk, which was a 
fungus growth of easily inflammable tinder gathered from 
certain trees and kept dry fur the purpose. 

Tomatoes began to be geserally used as food about 1855. 
A very few persons had eaten them prior to that, but by most 
persons they were regarded as ornaments and called "love 
apples," and were not considered fit to eat. 

Steel pens, such as are now^ in general use, began to be 
used about 1847. Pi'ior to that goose quills or gold pens were 
used. A few sewing machines found their way into the State 
about the same time. 

124. The Election of Polk.— At the election in 1S56 
the Democratic candidate for Governor was Trusten Polk of 
St. Louis. Robert C. Ewing was the American or Know Noth- 
ing candidate and Thomas H. Benton was an independent 
candidate. Polk was elected. He received 47,000 votes, Ewing 
40,500, and Benton 27,600. The election of United States Sena- 
tor enlisted more than ordinary interest. Two years before 
the Legislature had balloted for days, trying to elect a suc- 
cessor to David R. Atchison. It had failed to do so and for 
two years ^lissouri had only one Senator, Henry S. Geyer. 
But in 1857 James S. Green was elected to serve till 1861, and 
Trusten Polk to serve till 1863. Polk within a few months 
resigned as Governor, and Hancock Jackson, the Lieutenant- 
Governor, served till the special election in August, when 
Robert ]\L Stewart was chosen over James S. Rollins. 



458 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



125. Trusten Polk. — Trusten Polk was born in Dela- 
ware in 1811, graduated at Yale College in 1831, and came 
to Missouri in 1835, settling in St. Louis where he took the 

highest rank as a lawyer and 
citizen. He was a man of 
the cleanest habits, of great 
candor and sincerity. In 1843 
he was City Counselor of St. 
Louis and in 1856 was elected 
Governor, and within a few 
months to the United States 
Senate. He made a useful 
Senator, being very attentive 
to the interests of his con- 
stituents. Early in the war 
he was expelled from the Sen- 
ate by the Republican mem- 
TRUSTEN POLK. bcrs Du a charge of disloyalty. 

His public services after that were given to his church and 
to upbuilding the educational interests of the State. He died 
in St. Louis in 1876. 

126. Robert Stev^art. — Robert Morris Stewart was born 
in New York in 181 5, and received a good education. He 
taught school when he was seventeen and until he was twenty, 
moved to Kentucky, studied law, was admitted to the bar at 
Louisville, came to Missouri in 1839, in a few years settled 
in St. Joseph and practiced law. From 1846 to 1857 he was 
a member of the State Senate. In 1857 when Governor Polk 
resigned, he was elected as a Democrat and made an excellent 
officer. When the question of secession was submitted to the 




FROM 1852 TO i860. 



459 



people, he was elected a delegate to the convention which was 
to finally decide the matter, as a Conditional Union man, but 
soon ardently and uncondi- 
tionally supported the Union, 
but not as an Abolitionist, for 
he was always opposed to 
abolition, but as an opponent 
to secession and a steadfast 
adherent to the Union his 
fathers had established. His 
decided stand against seces- 
sion, when so much seemed 
to depend on the action of 
Missouri, helped to save the 
State to the Union, and made 
his action one of national con- Robert m. stewart. 

sideration. He was never married, was a man of free-and- 
easy habits, and died in 1871. , 

127. Kansas Troubles. — Sectional contention would not 
cease. In 1854 it arose afresh when a bill passed Congress 
organizing Kansas into a Territory. The Missouri Compro- 
mise had been repealed by that bill. The Compromise was 
the first effort made by Congress to interfere with the local 
institutions or affairs of a State. It can not be wondered at, 
then, that all of Missouri's representatives in Congress were 
in favor of its repeal. But other States saw the injustice of 
the discrimination made by that compromise against a part of 
the Union. The bill for the repeal passed overwhelmingly, 
and declared in favor of letting the inhabitants of any new 
Territory determine for themselves whether or not they wished 




460 HISTORY OF MISSOURI 

slavery therein. By this privilege the people of Kansas could 
decide for themselves in favor of slavery or against it. This 
was the same doctrine as the fourth of the Jackson Resolu- 
tions. (See Section 114.) 

128. A Contest Between North and South.— Both 
North and South wished to be triumphant in Kansas. The 
struggle is important as a part of the history of each, and espe- 
cially of Missouri, because it was the last peaceful contest for 
political supremacy by each before final appeal to arms, and 
on the part of the South Missouri was the chief representa- 
tive, while Massachusetts was the most aggressive actor among 
the northern States. To gain a majority of the people of 
Kansas to declare against slavery. Emigration Aid Companies 
were organized in Massachusetts and throughout the North, 
which sent out men to Kansas tO' be ready to vote. These 
companies practically sent out men only. As many as 223 
men to five women were in one company. A United States 
marshal who searched this company found no agricultural 
implements, but many guns, revolvers and ammunition. All 
the companies were not as this one, but there were few 
actual settlers. By such a course it became evident that Kan- 
sas would become a free State. 

129. Blue Lodges. — Counter aid societies were formed 
In Missouri. They were known as Blue Lodges. Their 
objects were the same as those of the Emigrant Aid Com- 
panies. Neither were right. But the Missourians thought 
themselves far less to blame for aiding in the formation of a 
new State adjoining their border and so far inhabited, in the 
main, by their own kinsmen than were people of a State a 
thousand miles away. Besides, the Blue Lodges were formed 
as a result of, and as a counter-balance to, the Emigrant Aid 



FROM 1852 TO i860. 461 

Companies. Just how many pretended settlers were sent out 
by either of these societies will never be known. Much illegal 
voting was done on both sides in the ensuing years, and a 
terrible guerrilla warfare was the result. 

130. Fraudulent Voting. — An election of the members 
of the Kansas Territorial Legislature which Congress had 
provided for was held in March, 1855. The pro-slavery party, 
or the "Missourians," as it was called, was successful. In 
February previous a census showed an entire population of 
8,601, and 2,905 voters, of whom a large majority were from 
slave States. There were 6,307 votes cast. The Eastern im- 
migrants charged that 5,000 Missourians had crossed over 
into Kansas Territory and voted. The pro-slavery men 
charged that a company of Northern immigrants had arrived 
at Lawrence on the day of the election and voted notwith- 
standing such a short stay. Undoubtedly there was much 
illegal voting on both sides and the evidence seems to be 
strong, though not conclusive, that the Missourians were the 
chief sinners. 

131. General Lawlessness. — The anti-slavery men re- 
fused to acknowledge the authority of this Territorial Legis- 
lature, or to be obedient to laws it passed. They disregarded 
its laws whenever they chose and resisted arrest whenever 
they were brought to account for so doing. Then began the 
active trouble. The grand jury made some indictnlents, and 
the sheriff attempted to arrest the offenders. They resisted, 
and the anti-slavery leaders, by speeches, through their papers 
and in many ways, urged them to do so. The sheriff ordered 
by-standers to assist him in making the arrests. The offenders 
would then be joined by anti-slavery sympathizers. These 
contending factions soon learned to rob each other, burn each 



462 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

Other's houses and destroy other property. From these differ- 
ences in Kansas sprang- many kinds of lawless and political 
crimes, and finally a civil war between the rival factions which 
did not end till the final establishment of the anti-slavery 
party in 1859. 

132. John Brown. — During these disturbances John 
Brown inaugurated a system of murder for opinion's sake 
^ and in the dead of night put to death five peaceable settlers 
whom he had never before seen, whose only crime was that 
they differed with him in regard to slavery. For this crime 
he went unpunished. Such a course soon brought into activity 
a set of robbers and marauders who were described as ''J^Y" 
hawkers." The counties in Missouri adjoining Kansas now 
began to suffer. Their inhabitants had much more property 
to lose than those of Kansas because they were older settlers. 
These marauders were not slow to learn this fact. They cared 
as little for Missouri law as for Kansas authority. They came 
into these counties and took whatever they could. One of 
these raids was headed by John Brown, and was made in 
December, 1858. He took away eleven slaves. A slave owner 
was also killed whose only offense seems to have been an 
objection to the way in which he was dispossessed of his 
property. This raid was made soon after the Governors of 
the two States had attempted to bring about a reconciliation. 
There were other raids also, in which "peaceable and law- 
abiding citizens" were subjected to outrages, insults and law- 
less violence. The General Assembly of Missouri appropriated 
thirty thousand dollars tO' be used by Governor Stewart as 
he thought best. Three thousand dollars were offered as a 
reward for John Brown. He nevertheless succeeded in con- 
ducting the negroes into Canada and then sold his stolen 



l^ROM 1852 TO i860. 463 

horses In Ohio. All his raids in Missouri were marked by 
blood. Yet he was received in many parts of the North, 
not as a monomaniac or a fugitive from justice, but as a 
popular hero. But the efforts put forth by the Legislature, 
the Governors of Miss'ouri and Kansas, and the officers of 
the United States Army, partially quieted the troubles, and 
the guerrilla warfare ceased for two years. 

133. Montgomery's Raid. — But in i860 it began again. 
This time the Jayhawkers were led by the desperate James 
Montgomery. They broke up a United States court and 
compelled the judge and its officers to flee for their lives. 
They also killed a citizen of Missouri named Samuel Hindes. 
Their charge against him was that he was in search of runa- 
way slaves. Congress had some time before this passed the 
Fugitive Slave Law, by which any slave owner was permitted 
to pursue a fugitive slave into a free State, recover him and 
return to his home. It was while Hindes was in search of a 
fugitive slave in Kansas that Montgomery established himself 
at Fort Scott, a town just over the Missouri border, whence 
he declared he intended to "clean out southern Missouri of 
its slaves." 

134. Excitement. — The people of Missouri became very 
much excited at these threats. Exaggerated reports were 
brought to Governor Stewart that Montgomery had begim to 
lay waste the country and that "citizens of Missouri on the 
Osage and in Bates and Vernon, are flying from their homes 
into the interior." Brigadier-General D. M. Frost was or- 
dered to proceed to the border with enough men to end the 
difficulty. He reached it in November, i860, with 650 troops, 
but found General Harney of the United States Army had 
preceded him. Montgomery, at the advance of these forces. 



464 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

disbanded his Jayhawkers and fled. Frost in his report to 
Governor Stewart said Hindes's ''only crime was that he had 
been faithful to the laws of his State." He also says the 
"deserted and charred remains of once happy homes" were 
general. 

135. Jayhawking now ceased as such, but it did not 
actually cease. It did not cease during the first two or three 
years of the Civil War, nor indeed so long as there was left 
anything along the Missouri border for the ''Jayhawkers" to 
steal or anybody to rob. But they now came with United 
States commissions in their pockets under "which guise they 
carried on a system of robbery and murder which left a 
good portion of the frontier of southwest Missouri an entire 
waste." 

136. General Progress. — The progress in w^ealth and 
population from 1850 to i860 was enormous, notwithstand- 
ing the predatory disturbances on the Kansas border. The 
population had increased from 682,000 to 1,182,000, a net 
increase of a half million, and an increase in percentage of 
seventy-three for the ten years. Of this number 115,000 were 
slaves. Their increase had been 27,000, or thirty per cent. 
Of all the population 160,000, or one-seventh, were foreign- 
born in i860. Of these 88,000 were Germans, and 43,000 
were Irish. The revolutions in Germany in 1849 had caused 
many of its inhabitants to seek safety in Missouri. This 
explains the large immigration of Germans during this decade. 
The failure of the potato crop in Ireland in 1846-47 will also 
explain the large immigration from that country. These new 
immigrants turned their attention mostly to farming, especially 
the Germans, and became useful and prosperous citizens. 
Missouri had risen in these ten years from the rank of thir- 



FROM 1852 TO i860. 465 

teenth to eighth in the number of her population and was now 
the first of the Southern States. 

137. Missouri's Financial Prosperity was not behind 
the increase in population. The assessed value of her prop- 
erty had risen from one hundred and thirty-seven million 
dollars in 1850 to five hundred and one million in i860, an 
increase of 265 per cent. The property consisted mostly in 
farms and agricultural wealth. The manufactured products 
were estimated at forty million dollars in i860 and the capital 
invested in factories was twenty millions. But much wealth 
was made know^n during this decade. By a system of sur- 
veys it became known that one-fifth of the State is underlaid 
with W'Orkable beds of coal ; that there are "more than a 
thousand valuable veins of lead and half as many of iron, 
besides many of zinc, copper, hydraulic lime-stone and other 
minerals. The new immigrants had also shown that much of 
the country south of the Osage river, heretofore regarded as 
worthless, was very valuable for grapes and other fruits." 

Questions on Chapter IX. 

1. Who was elected Governor in 1852? (118) 

2. To what party did he belong? (118) 

3. Who was the Whig candidate? (118) 

4. From what great orator was he descended? (118) 

5. Give a sketch of the life of Sterling Price. (119) 

6. What is said of internal improvements? (120) 

7. What railroads were aided by the State? (121) 

8. How did the State aid them? (121) 

9. In what did the State's debt of after years originate? (121) 

10. Tell about the construction of railroads. (122) 

11. What is said of matches, pens and tomatoes? (123) 

30 



466 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

12. Can you mention some other useful things that have since 

come into general use? 

i^. Who were the candidates for Governor in 1856? (124) 

14. Who was elected? (124) 

15. Why was a special election necessary? (124) 

16. Who was elected? (124) 

17. Who was acting Governor in the interim? (124) 

18. Give a sketch of the life of Trusten Polk. (125) 

19. Give a sketch of the life of Robert M. Stewart. (126) 

20. What was the occasion of new sectional trouble? (127) 

21. What was necessary before Kansas could decide to have 
slavery? (127) Why? (58, 113) 

22. Between what was the contest in Kansas? (128) 

23. Describe the Emigration Societies, (128) 

24. What counter aid societies were formed in Missouri? (129) 

25. What have you to say of these organizations? (129) 

26. What was the result in Kansas? (129) 

27. What about the Kansas election in 1855? (130) 

28. Give some incidents of the general lawlessness that fol- 
lowed these fraudulent votings. (131) 

29. What is said of John Brown? (132) 

30. What other raids were there? (132) 

31. What action did Missouri take to stop them? (132) 

32. What was the result at pacification? (132) 
SS. What is said of Montgomery's raid? (133) 

34. What report reached the Governor? (134) 

35. What did Frost report that he found? (134) 

36. What is said of Missouri's progress from 1850 to i860? 
(136) 

27 How about her financial progress? (137) 



CHAPTER X. 

THE ELECTION OF 1860. 

138. The Situation.— The troubles in Kansas and the 
debates in Congress on the subject of slavery had given force 
to the formation of a new party wholly devoted to opposing the 
extension of slavery. It in time took the name of Republican. 
In 1856 its candidate for the Presidency was John C. Fre- 
mont, a son-in-law of Thomas H. Benton. He received 114 
of the 296 electoral votes, and hence the new party had great 
hopes of success as the campaign of i860 approached. Public 
feeling became deeply disturbed. The whole country was 
aflame with sectional animosities. The agitation for abolition 
had stirred the people as nothing else had ever done. A 
large class of people in the North were determined to destroy 
slavery at any cost. Many people in the South felt that the 
only way to preserve their own peace and property was to 
quietly withdraw from the Union. Others believed it wisdom 
to remain in the Union and there settle their troubles. It 
seems strange now that any civilized people who had estab- 
lished and for seventy years lived under a republic of popular 
sovereignty, could have wished to perpetuate slavery. But 
there were mitigating circumstances. Slavery had originally 
existed in all the colonies. When it became unprofitable in 
the North the slaves were sold into the South where it was 
profitable. Many of the now slave-owners had inherited it 
from their fathers and not sought it. Slaves were valuable 
property. Men have, in every civilized country, been slow to 

(467) 



468 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

give up valuable property without resistance. Besides, it was 
difficult to know what to do with the slaves if they were freed. 
Many persons feared the consequences if millions of ignorant 
people should be turned loose, penniless, among their old 
owners. Beyond this, it can be said in all truthfulness that 
slavery had been a benefit to the slaves themselves. They had 
been taken from savage and barbarous races in Africa, and 
the discipline of slavery in America had taught them many 
of the habits of civilization. They had learned how to work, 
which always exalts a people ; had learned the arts of peace and 
frugal honesty. But this discipline, this improvement, made it 
less dangerous to trust them with freedom. It had prepared 
them more and more for its useful enjoyment when it should 
come. Besides, the principle of universal freedom had more 
and more become a part of American life, and one strong 
reason for the extinction of slavery was the desire of the 
slaves themselves to be free. 

139. The Fugitive Slave Law and Nullification. — The 

Fugitive Slave Law did much to intensify the contentions 
and troubles between the North and South. It had been 
passed by Congress a few years before and gave to each slave- 
owner the right tO' pursue a runaway slave into any State 
and retake him without any verdict from a court declaring 
who was his rightful owner. All the claimant had to do 
was to exhibit to a sheriff a certificate from a county clerk 
describing the slave. The officer was then required to put 
the slave into his peaceable possession. This law the United 
States Supreme Court said did not violate the Constitution. 
The decision gave great offense to the North. At least four- 
teen Northern States by their Legislatures soon passed laws 
reunifying the Fugitive Slave Law by making it a crime for 



THE EI.ECTION OF 1860. 469 

any sheriff to obey it, and by forbidding any state officer to 
aid in enforcing it. Their course made it impossible to enforce 
this law of Congress. The Southern States then argued that 
if fourteen Northern States could thus nullify a law of the 
Union they could withdraw from that Union. In the Presi- 
dential campaign of i860 the Breckenridge party in the South 
declared if the Republican party were successful at the polls 
the Southern States would withdraw from the Union. When 
it did succeed they proceeded at once to carry out that threat. 

140. The Election. — The Democratic party in i860 
divided into two factions. One part, known as the State- 
rights men, nominated John C. Breckenridge of Kentucky for 
President. The other part, which was opposed to secession 
and to the interference by the national Government with the 
local affairs and institutions of any State, nominated Stephen 
A. Douglas of Illinois. The remnant of the old Whig and 
Know Nothing parties, now known as Constitution-Union 
men, nominated John Bell of Tennessee for President and 
Edward Everett of Massachusetts for Vice-President. The 
Republicans nominated Abraham Lincoln. The contest in 
Missouri was warm and intense, but not violent. The State 
was carried by Mr. Douglas, which was the only State, ex- 
cept New Jersey, that gave him its electoral vote. Mr. Lin- 
coln was elected. The number of votes for Douglas in Mis- 
souri was 58,801, for Bell 58,372, for Breckenridge 31,317, 
for Lincoln 17,028. Nearly all those voting for Lincoln were 
Germans. Of those who voted for Breckenridge, not half 
were in favor of secession. j\Iany of them had come from 
the South, and in the intense excitement of the time their 
sympathies naturally enlisted them with the Southern Rights 
men who carried every Southern State. Besides most of them, 



470 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

perhaps all, opposed the interference by Congress with a 
right which they claimed belonged alone tO' each individual 
State — to decide for itself whether or not it would abolish 
or continue slavery. But they did not wish to carry this 
opposition to the extreme of secession. 

141. The State Ticket.— On the State ticket the Dem- 
ocrats did not divide. Their candidate was Claiborne F. 
Jackson of Saline county, who was a Douglas Democrat and 
who received 74,446 votes. Sample Orr, an "American" or 
''Know Nothing," received 64,583 votes. The Breckenridge 
candidate was Hancock Jackson, who received 11,415 votes. 
James Gardenhire was the Republican candidate ; he received 
only 6,135 votes. Claiborne F. Jackson was elected. 

Questions on Chapter X. 

1. What was now being formed? (138) 

2. What is said of public feeling? (138) 

3. What was the attitude of many people in the North toward 
slavery? (138) 

4. How did the Southern people feel about it? (138) 

5. What is said about the existence of slavery? (138) 

6. What is said about its benefits to the slaves? (138) 

7. What reasons for the extinction of slavery? (138) 

8. What is said of the Fugitive Slave Law? (139) 

9. How had the North nullified it? (139) 

10. What did the South argue from this? (139) 

11. How did the Democratic party divide in i860? (140) 

12. Who were the four candidates for President and of what 
parties? (140) 

13. Approximate the vote of each in Missouri. (140) 

14. How about the State ticket? (141) 



CHAPTER XL 

THE FIRST MONTHS OF 1861. 

142. Confronted With Secession. — On .December 20, 
i860, South CaroUna, through her Legislature, declared she 
no longer owed any allegiance to the Union. Within six 
weeks Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Georgia, and 
Texas — seven States — seceded. As Missouri was at this time 
the first in population of the slave-holding States, and as most 
of her people were of Southern origin, it may be seen at once 
that she was now confronted with the gravest problem she 
had ever had to settle. 

143. The Governors.— Robert M. Stewart, the retiring 
Governor, had been reared in Xew York and his feelings 
naturally inclined him with the North. He sincerely desired 
to keep Missouri in the L^nion. But he was opposed to forc- 
ing South Carolina and the other seceded States back into 
the Union, and if the Union should undertake to do this he 
was opposed to Missouri helping in the undertaking. He 
was also opposed to troops coming into ^lissouri either to 
wrest her from the Union or keep her in it. He stated the 
proper position for Missouri to assume and adhere to, was 
''armed neutrality." There can be no doubt, as subsequent 
events under more exasperating tests showed, that at this 
time the great majority of the people of Missouri were of the 
same opinion as Governor Stewart. They did not wish the 
State to secede or to take any part in forcing the seceded 
States back into the L^nion. The votes given the various 
candidates in November showed this and the vote in Febru- 
ary made it still clearer. 

(471) 



472 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



144. Governor Jackson. — Governor Jackson, unlike 
Governor Stewart, had been reared in the South, and many 
social and political ties bound him to her people. In his in- 
augural address he declared that all Missouri wished was ''to 
be let alone." He believed the Northern States had, by pass- 
ing laws which nullified the Fugitive Slave Law, themselves 
practically abandoned the Union. He believed if arms were 
employed by the Federal Government to force a State back 
into the Union that it would be such an insult as all the 
States ought to resent, and in that event the true position for 
Missouri would be to secede and unite with the South. It 
can not be denied that Governor Jackso'n was at this time 
in favor of Missouri's seceding if the Federal Government 
should make war on the seceded States to force them back 
into the Union, but until that was done he was not in favor 

of secession. But this po- 
sition he afterward aban- 
doned, when the seceded 
States attempted to capture 
the Government forts and 
arsenals within their re- 
spective borders. He then 
took the position at first de- 
clared by Stewart that the 
proper course for Missouri 
was to preserve an "armed 
neutrality," and keep out 
of the State all "maraud- 
CLAiBORNE F. JACKSON. ers comc from what quar- 

ter they may," but to take no part herself in the conflict 
between the States. 




THE FIRST MONTHS OF 1861. 473 

145. The Legislature. — The Lieutenant-Governor, 
whose duty it is to preside over the Senate, was Thomas C. 
Reynolds. From the outset he was in favor of secession, 
because he believed it impossible for Missouri to preserve an 
"armed neutrality" in the impending conflict, which he saw 
was inevitable. He accordingly urged the General Assem- 
bly to declare Missouri determined to resist all attempts by 
the Federal Government to force the seceded States back into 
the Union or to collect the Government revenue in those 
States. He also urged that to make her able to resist coer- 
cion she must organize and enlarge her military forces. He 
appointed all the committees of the Senate in accordance with 
his views, and placed men on these committees who would 
endeavor "to shape legislation in keeping therewith. Bills 
were immediately introduced in both houses to arm and equip 
the 'State militia and to provide for a State convention to con- 
sider what position Missouri should take in regard to seces- 
sion. These bills were received with prompt and almost 
unanimous approval in the General Assembly. 

146. The Convention Authorized. — The bill creating 
the convention passed the General Assembly and became 
a law on January 18. In the Senate there were only two 
votes against it. In the House there were 18 against and 
105 for it. The duties and powers thus committed to this 
convention were contained in the words creating it, which 
said it was "to consider the relations between the United 
States . . . and the State of Missouri ; and to adopt such 
measures for vindicating the sovereignty of the State and 
the protection of its institutions as shall appear to them to 
be demanded." The law also provided if such convention 



474 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

should finally pass a secession ordinance that it should never 
be valid until submitted to the people and adopted by a ma- 
jority of the qualified voters of the State. These words 
creating this convention are important, for it is to be ob- 
served that whatever might have been the individual wishes 
of the members of this General Assembly for secession, yet 
they voluntarily transferred to other hands whatever power 
they had to take her out of the Union, and besides determined 
that this must be done, if done at all, by the people themselves. 

147. The People. — The election of delegates to this 
convention was to take place on February i8, just one month 
after the bill creating it became a law. A thorough canvass 
was at once begun throughout the State and carried forward 
with great interest till the end. The people divided into 
three parties, namely, Secessionists, Conditional Union men 
and Unconditional Union men. The leaders of the Seces- 
sionists were Governor Jackson, Lieutenant-Governor Rey- 
nolds, both United States Senators (James S. Green and 
Trusten Polk), General D. R. Atchison (formerly United 

States Senator) and Thos. L. Snead (editor of the St. Louis 
Bulletin). They did not desire the disruption of the Union, 

and deplored the haste of South Carolina and the other States 
in leaving it. But believing that all the seceded States would 
remain out of the Union and form a separate confederacy, 
they considered it the true duty of all the slave-holding States 
to unite together; believing also, that if a separate confed- 
eracy were formed, there would be war between it and the 
Union, they felt they were bound by the strongest kindred 
ties to stand by the South. They were not especially devoted 
to slavery. In fact slavery was no longer the most promi- 



THE FIRST MONTHS OF 1861. 475 

nent question in these discussions. It was from this time 
on put far in the background. The issue rose transcendently 
above this. *'They were secessionists only because they be- 
Heved the Union had been dissolved, that its reconstruction 
was impossible, that war was inevitable, and that in war the 
place for Missouri was by the side of the Southern States, 
of which she was one." 

148. The Conditional Union Men. — The Conditional 
Union men were the most formidable opponents of the 
Secessionists. They were led by Judge Hamilton R. Gamble 
of St. Louis, Colonel A. W. Doniphan of Clay, Congressman 
James S. Rollins of Boone, Congressman John B. Clark of 
Howard, Ex-Governor Sterling Price of Chariton, Ex-Gov- 
ernor R. M. Stewart of St. Joseph, Judge William A. Hall, 
of Randolph, Congressman John S. Phelps of Greene, and 
Judge John F. Ryland of Lafayette, ably assisted by the Mis- 
souri Republican, then the ablest paper west of the Missis- 
sippi, and edited by the great Nathaniel Paschall, ''a man of 
mature age, strong intellect and consummate common sense." 
These leaders were the ablest, most popular, and most promi- 
.nent men in the State, and it is doubtful if any State in the 
Union could have shown at that time a finer array of many- 
sided great men. Their astuteness, popularity and well- 
known patriotism, added to the fact that many of them were 
themselves large slave-owners, at once began to divide the 
Secessionists. They were for the L^nion, provided the Fed- 
eral Government would not attempt to force the seceded States 
•back and coerce them into submission. They declared them- 
selves ready to resist coercion. But they did not fear it. 
They pleaded with patriotic pride for the preservation of the 



476 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

Union of their fathers, which had been bought with blood, 
and which had brought a thousand blessings to one curse ; 
they urged the people that they must not allow their feelings 
to control them, but must remember that the steps they took 
might involve their children and their children's children in 
untold misery. 

149. The Unconditional Union Men. — The Uncon- 
ditional Union men were for the Union come what might. 
They believed the seceded States should be coerced into sub- 
mission. The impersonation of this movement was Frank 
Blair. He saw that the only outcome of the trouble was war, 
that it must come in the near future and he was determined 
to hold Missouri for the Union. Blair contended that what 
was wanted in the convention were *'men who were now and 
who would hereafter, under all circumstances, and in every 
emergency, be for the Union ;" that he himself intended to 
stand by it to the last and to oppose in every way the seces- 
sion of Missouri. At first his chief following was among 
the Germans, who had no kindred in the South, who had 
bought their lands from the Federal Government, who had 
enjoyed uninterrupted peace under it, and who felt that they 
should stand by it. But soon he had some able seconds. 
They were Samuel T. Glover, James O. Broadhead, B. Gratz 
Brown, and Edward Bates, all of St. Louis. 

150. Missouri Declares for the Union. — The election 
of ninety-nine delegates to this Convention took place 
on February 18, and resulted in an overwhelming victory for 
the Union cause. Not a single avowed Secessionist was 
elected. The Union candidates received a total majority of 
eighty thousand, and the entire vote for them was almost 



THE FIRST MONTHS OF 1861. 477 

three-fourths of all the ballots cast. It was a great disap- 
pointment to the General Assembly, whose members had con- 
fidently looked for an overwhelming victory for secession. It 
put a stop to any preparations by it for war, and for two 
months the discussions were mild, and submissive to the pop- 
ular will. On the other hand the triumph of the Union men 
emboldened the Convention, after a session or two, to take 
the extremest action. 

Questions on Chapter XI. 

, I. What was now the situation? (142) 

2. State fully the attitude of Governor Stewart. (143) 

3. What was the attitude of the people? (143) 

4. What was Governor Jackson's position? (144) 

5. Did he afterwards abandon this position? (144) 

6. What position did he then take? (144) 

7. How did Reynolds try to lead the Legislature? (145) 

8. What two bills were passed? (145) 

9. What powers did the Legislature delegate to the Con- 
vention? (146) 

10. Who alone did the Legislature consider had a right to 
take Missouri out of the Union? (146) 

11. Who were the leaders of the Secessionists? (147) 

12. What is said of their attitude? (147) 

13. Who were the leaders of the Conditional Union men? (148) 

14. What is said of them? (148) 

15. What was their position? (148) 

16. What was the position of the Unconditional Union men? 

(i4P) 

17. Who was their great leader? (149) 

18. What was the result of the election? (150) 

19. How was it regarded by the General Assembly? (150) 

20. How did it affect the convention? (150) 



CHAPTER XII. 

THE CONVENTION. 

151. The Convention Meets. — The convention, whose 
members had been elected on the eighteenth of February, 
the very day on which Jefferson Davis had been inaugurated 
President of the Confederacy, met at Jeft'erson City on the 
las't of the month. Ex-Governor Sterhng Price was elected 
President. He was an avowed Union man. The fifteen 
State-rights men voted for Nathaniel W. Watkins, a half- 
brother of Henry Clay. Soon after organization the con- 
vention adjourned to meet in St. Louis on March 4, the day 
Lincoln became President. Its members were the ablest men 
in the State, now met at the time of the greatest crisis in 
its history, "to consider its relations to the Government of the 
United States." Of the ninety-nine members fifty-three were 
natives of either Virginia or Kentucky, three were Germans 
and one an Irishman. Thirteen were from the North. Mr. 
Gamble, who had been Supreme Judge of the State, Willard 
•P. Hall, the vice-president, Robert Wilson, of great ability, 
James O. Broadhead, one of her ablest and most scholarly 
lawyers, and John B. Henderson always a steadfast opponent 
of secession, were Virginians. 

152. Against Secession and War. — The Committee 
on Federal Relations, through its chairman, Hamilton R. 
Gamble of St. Louis, on the ninth of March made a report 
declaring that secession by Missouri was "certainly not de- 
manded." A part of the report said that "the true position 

(478) 



THE CONVENTION. 479 

for Missouri to assume is that of a State whose interests are 
bound up in the maintenance of the Union, and whose kind 
feehngs and strong sympathies are with the people of the 
Southern States, with whom we are connected by the ties of 
friendship and blood." The resolutions were adopted by 
almost a unanimous vote, the opposition to each being only 
five or six votes. Thus was secession finally defeated. 

153. The Moss Resolution. — The Convention also de- 
clared the employment of military force to coerce the seceded 
States back into the Union would plunge the country into war, 
and therefore "earnestly entreated" the Federal Government 
and the seceded States ''to withhold and stay the arm of 
military power and upon no pretext whatever to bring upon 
the nation the horrors of civil war." But a difference of 
opinion manifested itself in the convention when the question 
was raised. What would Missouri do if the President should 
call on her to furnish troops to coerce the seceded States? 
They were opposed to coercion, but what would Missouri 
do if she were going to remain in the Union, if Congress and 
the President determined to undertake coercion and should 
call on her for troops for the purpose? Mr. James H. Moss, 
a delegate of ability from Clay county, said he would not vote 
for secession under any circumstances, and introduced a reso- 
lution asking the convention to declare that Missouri would 
"never furnish men or money for the purpose of aiding the 
Federal Government in any attempts to coerce a seceding 
State." He supported the resolution warmly, and passionately 
pleaded with the convention to pass it. He declared "Missouri 
would never, never furnish a regiment to invade a seceded 
State." William A. Hall, of Randolph, who had been a circuit 



480 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

judge for sixteen years, replied to Mr. Moss, in argument 
that could not be gainsaid, that ''if Missouri remained in the 
Union it would be her duty to furnish both men and money 
to the Federal Government when properly called upon for 
them, whether to coerce a State into submission or for any 
other purpose." John B. Henderson, of Pike, declared ''the 
President has no more power to use force than you or I," and 
that no man could believe the "President will so far disre- 
gard his duties under the Constitution, or forget the obliga- 
tions of his oath, as to undertake the subjugation of the 
Southern States by force." James O. Broadhead did not be- 
lieve the Federal Government had a right to coerce a State. 
Nearly all the delegates spoke against coercion, yet the Moss 
resolution failed, some voting against it because it was useless, 
a greater number honestly accepting Judge Flail's logic. By 
"the pitiless logic of facts" when the war did come on Hen- 
derson was one of the most ardent supporters of Lincoln in 
the use of force ; and Broadhead concurred with Lyon in mak- 
ing the attack on Camp Jackson and otherwise aided in the 
efforts to coerce Governor Jackson and the. Legislature into 
submission. 

154. Adjourned. — The Convention, after it passed 
these resolutions, brought its labors to a close and adjourned 
on March 22, subject to the call of the executive committee. 
By this last arrangement it provided a way for self-perpetua- 
tion till secession became utterly impossible, as we shall here- 
after see. On the twenty-eighth of the same month the Legis- 
lature adjourned without having made any arrangements for 
the, war, or for raising and supporting a militia for the pro- 
tection of the State. In fact it may be said, in all truthfulness, 



THE CONVENTION. 48 1 

that the vast majority of. the people did not want war, nor (Hd 
their desires go to the extent of even those of Governor 
Stewart, who counseled "armed neutrality." 

155. More Light. — The election of United States Sen- 
ator this year throws some light on the position the Gen- 
eral Assembly regarded the State as holding towards secession. 
Early in the session, when it became apparent that a con- 
vention would be held to consider the question of secession, 
the Legislature had determined not to elect a successor to 
James S. Green, whose term would expire on. March 3, till 
after it was learned wdiether the people preferred secession 
or the Union. When they voted for the Union, the Legislature 
proceeded to elect a' Senator on March 12. Mr. Green had 
been one of the most popular men in the State, but he was an 
avowed secessionist. His election was therefore, impossible, 
although on one ballot he got 76 out of the 156 votes cast. 
Waldo P. Johnson, of Osecola, St. Clair county, was elected 
on the fifteenth ballot. As indicating the part taken in the war 
by those most prominent in bringing it on, it is proper here to 
remark that James S. Green, who was set aside for being a 
secessionist, "did not raise his hand or his voice for the South 
during the war, while Johnson, who had been elected because 
he was a good Union man, quickly resigned his seat in the 
Senate, entered the army and fought for the Confederacy till 
the end of the war." 

Questions on Chapter XII. 

1. Who was elected president of the convention? (151) 

2. When did it meet in St. Lonis? (151) 

3. What is said of its members? (151) 

4. What about their nativity? (151) 

31 



482 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

5. Name some of them. (151) 

6. What report did the committee on Federal Relations de- 
cide on? (152) 

• 7. Was this report adopted? (152) 

8. What was the Moss resolution? (153) 

9. What did Mr. Moss say in regard to it? (153) 
IQ. How did Hall answer him? (153) 

11. What did John B. Henderson say? (153) 

12. What was Broadhead's belief? (153) 

13. What-is said of "the pitiless logic of facts?" (153) 

14. How did the convention arrange to perpetuate itself? (154) 

15. What was the attitude of the people? (154) 

16. What 'is said of the election of U. S. Senator this year? 

(155) 

17. And what of the after conduct of Green and Johnson? 

(155) 



CHAPTER XIII. 

THE ARSENAL AND CAMP JACKSON. 

156. The Government Arsenal. — There was a Gov- 
ernment arsenal in St. Louis, well stored with forty thousand 
or more stand of arms and other valuable munitions of war. 
This arsenal now became the center of all warlike inten- 
tions. Both sides wanted it, in the event that there was to 
be war. Governor Jackson had all along believed the war to 
be inevitable, and if it came he believed Missouri would be 
the natural ally of the South, and he determined to put her 
on that side if he could. He did not declare this purpose pub- 
licly, but he instructed General Frost, who had gone into camp 
just at the edgt of St. Louis after his return from the Kansas 
troubles, with about 700 men, to keep himself well informed 



THE ARSENAL AND CAMP JACKSON. 483 

of all movements, and, if he deemed it necessary, to seize the 
arsenal and hold it for future disposal. General Frost in 
furtherance of this plan waited upon its commander. Major 
Bell, who frankly told him that he thought the State had a 
right to claim the arsenal as being on her soil and that he 
would not defend it against the proper State authorities. But 
before Frost could thus peaceably take possession of the arse- 
nal, it was supplied with additional troops. Major Bell was 
relieved of command, and Major Hagner put in his place, and 
by the eighteenth of February, the day on which the State 
voted not to secede, there were four or five hundred soldiers 
behind the walls, able to repulse almost any attack which might 
be made on it, and on the next day General Harney notified 
the President that there was no danger of an attack and never 
had been. In this condition of things each side would have 
gone on without any disturbance from the other, had there 
not appeared on the scene a man who was ready and anxious 
for war. This man was Captain Nathaniel Lyon. 

157. Captain Lyon was born at xA.shford, Connecticut, 
educated at West Point and was an officer of the regular 
army. He was at this time forty-three years old and is de- 
scribed as having been "of less than medium height; slender 
and angular; with abundant hair of a sandy color, and a 
coarse, reddish-brown beard. He had deep-set blue eyes, and 
features that were rough and homely." His disposition made 
him fretful and impatient under restraint. He could see only 
one side of a question, but he saw that with terrible earnest- 
ness, and with no patience with any person who saw the other 
side. All persons who did not agree with him he regarded 
as being influenced by unworthy or improper motives. He was 



484 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



devoted to the Union and always eager to crush those who 
were not. Upon his arrival at St. Louis he at once, set to work 
to make himself department commander, and never ceased until 
he had been given almost unlimited power to do as he pleased. 
His chief helper was Frank Blair, who at all times pushed 
him forward. Yet he was restive, and this led him to fear that 
Mr. Lincoln "lacked the resolution to grapple with treason and 
to put it down forever." He thought the best thing to do 

with a conservative man 
like Major Hagner was to 
"pitch him in the river." 
He had been in Kansas 
through all its border 
troubles between the Free- 
soil . and the Pro-slavery 
men. He had formed 
the greatest dislike for 
the latter and in the 
troubles between the two 
factions said he foresaw 
:i, "sectional strife, which I 
do not care to delay." He 
came to St. Louis possessed 
wath this idea and feeling, 
and at once went to drilling the "Wide Awakes" and other vol- 
unteer soldiers and those quartered within the arsenal. In this 
he showed the greatest diligence and skill. He inspired all 
Union partisans with his own courage and zeal. By the middle 
of April, four regiments had been enlisted, and he proceeded to 
arm them with guns from the arsenal. With this well-trained 
force he and Blair felt strong enough to attack Governor 




CAPTAIN LYON. 



THE ARSENAL AND CAMP JACKSON. 485 

Jackson and his followers, and they lost no time in finding a 
pretext for so doing. 

158. A Call for Troops. — Fort Sumter surrendered to 
a Confederate army on April 13, 1861. On the same day 
President Lincoln issued a proclamation "for seventy-five 
thousand men to suppress combinations too powerful to be 
suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings," 
and on the same day the Secretary of War telegraphed Gover- 
nor Jackson his requisition for four regiments of infantry. On 
the sixteenth the Governor replied : ''Not one man will the 
State of Missouri furnish to carry on an unholy crusade upon 
the seceded States." The people of Alissouri indorsed the 
Governor's reply, but to Blair and Lyon it was reason enough 
to make an attack upon Frost. Besides, this reply was sup- 
plemented by frequent reports that guns and ammunition, 
obtained from the Government arsenal in Louisiana, had been 
secretly brought up the river and conveyed to Camp Jackson, 
where Frost's little command was now encamped. 

159. Liberty Arsenal. — There was another Govern- 
ment arsenal about four miles south of Liberty in Clay county. 
It was in charge of Major Nathaniel Grant and two other 
men, and contained about 11,000 pounds of powder, about 
1,500 guns and twenty or thirty small cannon. On the 
twentieth of April, just six days after President Lincoln's call 
for troops, 200 men under the command of Colonel H. L. 
Routt, most of them from Clay and Jackson counties, quietly 
took possession of this arsenal, with no interruption except the 
protests and railings of Grant, at whom they only laughed. 
Within the next few days they carried away most of the guns 
and powder. These were never retaken but were used in after 



486 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

years in the service of the Confederacy. The captors, how- 
ever, seemed to have had no other purpose than to supply 
themselves with arms and ammunition for whatever troubles 
might arise. But the capture of this arsenal and the re- 
ports about Camp Jackson determined Lyon on making the 
attack upon that camp. 

160. Harney and Lyon. — The time was now oppor- 
tune to make the attack. General Harney, who was in charge 
of the department, and to whom therefore Lyon and Blair 
were inferior officers, had been summoned to Washington to 
answer for his official conduct on the complaint of Blair. This 
complaint was founded on a conflict between Lyon's troops and 
the St. Louis police. Lyon had been patroling the streets in 
front of the arsenal with his troops. This was in violation of 
the city laws and an interference with the duties of the Board of 
Police Commissioners. The Board complained to Lyon auvl 
demanded that he should obey the laws. Lyon refused. The 
Board was powerless to enforce their complaints in the face 
of his well-armed troops, and appealed to General Harney, 
his superior officer. He ordered Lyon to withdraw his patrols 
into the limits of the arsenal and not to issue arms to anyone 
except by his sanction. This led Blair to charge Harney to 
the Secretary of War, as having controverted his orders, and 
in consequence Harney was summoned to Washington to de- 
fend himself. Harney, who was opposed to any aggresive at- 
tacks, was now out of the way and Lyon was left in full com- 
mand. 

161. L-yon and Camp Jackson. — General Lyon, dis- 
guised as an old woman, on the ninth of May, the next day 
after the arms and ammunition had been received at Camp 



THE ARSENAL AND CAMP JACKSON. , 487 

Jackson from Louisiana, drove through the camp, and satis- 
fied himself that the men had in their possession guns and 
ammunition which had been taken from the captured United 
States arsenal at Baton Rouge and which rightfully belonged, 
in his opinion, to the Federal Government. These were easily 
to be seen, for Frost had required them to be stacked outside 
at the entrace to the regular camp. Lyon returned and re- 
ported that the camp was "a nest of traitors." This was 
Thursday the ninth. Harney would return on Sunday. He 
and Blair determined on an attack - forthwith, and that it 
should be made next day. On the next morning. General 
Frost, who had for two days been receiving reports that Lyon 
would make an attack on his camp, addressed him a letter in 
which he denied that he or any part of his command was 
actuated by any hostile intentions to the Federal Government, 
and closed by adding : "I trust after this explicit statement 
we may be able, by fully understanding each other, to keep 
far from our borders the misfortunes which unhappily afflict 
our common country." But Lyon refused to receive the letter 
and sent it back. His troops were already forming for the 
march to the camp, which he declared was made up mostly of 
secessionists, who were plotting to overthrow the Government's 
authority. 

162. The Attack. — He surrounded the camp with his 
well-disciplined soldiers, and sent a demand to Frost for his 
immediate and unconditional surrender. As his force num- 
bered 7,000 men and more, and Frost's 700, the latter at onc^ 
did so. The captured soldiers stacked their arms and were 
arranged in a line along Olive street, which was occupied by 
Lyon's troops, there halted and kept standing over an hour. 



488 . HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

Great numbers of men, women and children from the city 
gathered 'around the troops and prisoners, and at times at- 
tacked the troops with stones, and called them, in derision, 
"Dutch Blackguards," because one of the German companies 
called itself Die Schzvartze Garde (the Black Guard). The 
soldiers resented this by firing into the crowd, first with a few 
shots, which "were almost immediately "followed by volley 
after volley." When the firing ceased twenty-eight persons 
lay dead or mortally wounded, among them three of the 
prisoners who had only a little while before surrendered, and 
an infant in the arms of its mother, and one of Lyon's soldiers. 
The march was at once resumed to the arsenal and the next 
day the prisoners were released on their own parole not to 
bear arms against the Government while the Civil War should 
last. 

63. A Blunder. — The attack upon Camp Jackson 
proved to be a blunder. It was intended to crush out all spirit 
of secession in the State and completely disarm and crush 
the influence of those who wished it to secede. This number 
was small. It will be remembered that the question of seces- 
sion had been submitted to the people on the eighteenth of 
February and had been declared against by a majority of 
eighty thousand votes. Since that time instead of gaining the 
secession sentiment had waned. Even the doctrine of the 
numerous Conditional Union men, that Missouri would se- 
cede only when the Federal Government should attempt to 
coerce and force the seceded States back into the Union, had 
been abandoned, and most of those who had prior to February 
1 8 held to this view, had prepared to quietly submit to this 
attempted coercion. With the exception of Governor Jackson 
and a handful of his enthusiastic followers, the vast majority 



THE ARSENAL AND CAMP JACKSON. 489 

of the people preferred that JNIissouri should remain m the 
Union and take no part in the Civil War, now already begun 
in other States. But now everything was changed. In the 
twinkling of an eye a thrill of horror ran through the State at 
the needless killing of private citizens and surrendered 
prisoners by a foreign-born soldiery led by an unrelenting cap- 
tain from another State, whose course seemed to receive the 
entire sanction of President Lincoln. The news was telegraphed 
to Jefferson City v.diere the Legislature had been in special 
session since ]\Iay 2. At that very time it happened the INIili- 
tary Bill, designed for the organization of the State militia for 
any emergency that might arise, was being considered and had 
been under consideration for several days. It was being suc- 
cessfully opposed, because it was believed the people had pro- 
nounced against any military preparations, and for the further 
reason that it was feared the Governor might use the militia 
in aid of secession. The bill for these reasons could never 
have been passed had not the Camp Jackson affair occurred. 
But wdthin fifteen minutes after the news had been received 
at the Capitol that the L'nited States forces had attacked the 
State forces the Military Bill had been rushed through both 
houses of the General Assembly, and was ready for the Gov- 
ernor's signature. That was an indication of the rapid change 
in the feelings of the people. Within five days the Legis- 
lature passed laws authorizing the expenditure of over two 
million dollars "to repel invasion and put down rebellion," as 
it said. Fortunately the Legislature had sometime before re- 
ferred to the convention and to the people the question of 
secession ; if this had not been done, the Legislature would now 
with equal precipitation have passed a secession ordinance. 



490 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

164. Preparations for War. — Preparations for the war 
by both sides now went on apace. Hundreds of men who 
up to this time remained loyal to the Union, felt themselves 
driven into the secession movement by the unfortunate affair 
at Camp Jackson. Among those who identified themselves 
with this movement was Sterling Price, who had been Gover- 
nor of the State from 1853 to 1857, and who had reflected great 
glory upon Missouri in the Mexican War. He now offered 
his sword to Governor Jackson to fight for what he declared 
to be in defense of the State. He was appointed major-general 
of Missouri State Guards. The State was divided into eight 
military districts and over each was appointed a brigadier- 
general to organize and drill the militia. For this purpose 
Governor Jackson appointed A. W. Doniphan, Monroe M. 
Parsons, James S. Rains, John B. Clark, Thomas A. Harris, 
Nathaniel W. Watkins, A. E. Steen, W. Y. Slack and James 
H. McBride; Colonel Doniphan, however, refused to accept 
the appointment, but remained steadfast in his allegiance to 
the Union, yet took no part in the war. 

165. Indorsed by Harney. — General Harney had in 
the meantime returned to St. Louis. He deemed the at- 
tack on Camp Jackson as proper and just, and said two of the* 
streets of the camp were called Davis and Beauregard, after 
Jefferson Davis and the general who had led the attack on Fort 
Sumter, and that soldiers therein had openly worn the dress 
and badge of Confederate soldiers. He issued a proclamation 
on the fourteenth of May in which he declared: ''No Govern- 
ment in the world would be entitled to respect that would, for 
a moment, tolerate such openly treasonable preparations," and 
announced that the whole power of the United States would 



THE ARSENAL AND CAMP JACKSON. 49I 

be employed, if necessary, to maintain its authority as "the 
supreme law of the land." Beyond this he wished only to 
preserve the general peace and to protect all loyal citizens 
from violence of any kind. On the seventeenth of Alay he 
asked the War Department for ten thousand stand of arms, 
and that nine thousand men should be furnished him by Iowa 
and Minnesota. 

166. Price-Harney . Agreement. — While these prep- 
arations for war were going on, conservative men appealed 
to Harney and Price to preserve the peace and agree upon a 
plan of neutrality ; General Harney accordingly sent an invita- 
tion to General Price to meet him for the purpose of forming 
such an agreement, which Price, with Governor Jackson's ap- 
proval, readily accepted. The Price-Harney agreement was 
formed, wherein each avowed it w^as his purpose *'to restore 
peace and good order," and Price was to be intrusted with the 
duty of keeping order in the State, subject to the laws of the 
Federal and State Gcvernments. If this were done the people 
were assured by Harney that he would have no occasion, as 
he had no wish, ''to make military movements in the State 
which might create jealousies or excitem.ent." In accordance 
with this agreement, Price dismissed the troops at Jefferson 
City. But because the agreement, which Harney said pro- 
duced a good effect throughout the State, did not include that 
all military organization should cease and the militia be dis- 
persed, this action of Harney's gave great offense to Blair 
and Lyon, who at once determined upon his removal. Accord- 
ingly, O. D. Filley, as a member of the St. Louis "Safety Com- 
mittee," which had all along supported Lyon and Blair, sent out 
a circular letter to every part of the State asking that full and 



492 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



detailed reports be sent in of all offensive treatment of loyal 
Union men by the secession element. These reports were very 
voluminous. They were forwarded to President Lincoln, who 
sincerely believed them, but Harney did. not, but declared that 
Price was faithfully carrying out his part of the agreement. 
The President thought these outrages ''should be stopped," 
and therefore relieved Harney, and put General Lyon in com- 
mand. 

167. War Declared.— General Lyon was no longer 
impeded by a conservative superior officer, but left free to pur- 
sue any course he pleased. Both sides began at once to again 
make active preparations for the war. But before much had 
been done William A. Hall and other honorable citizens made 
another effort to prevent a conflict^and persuaded Governor 
Jackson to ask an interview with General Lyon "for the 
purpose of effecting a pacific solution of the troubles of Mis- 
souri." Lyon regarded Governor Jackson as a traitor, but 
if he should come to St. Louis for this purpose, Lyon promised 
that he would not arrest him while there or on his way back 
to the capital. Accordingly the interview took place at the 
Planters' House, St. Louis, on the eleventh of June. The 
Governor was accompanied by General Price and Thomas L. 
Snead, who appeared for the State, while Lyon, Blair, and 
Major Conant represented the Federal Government. General 
Lyon led the conference for his side, which lasted for four 
or five hours. In a proclamation which the Governor pub- 
lished next day he declared that in this interview he had pro- 
posed to Lyon and Blair : "That I would disband the State 
Guard and break up its organization ; that I would disarm all 
the companies which had been armed by the State; that I 



THE ARSENAL AND CAMP JACKSON. 493 

would pledge myself not to attempt to organize the militia 
under the Military Bill; that no arms or other munitions of 
war should be brought into the State; that I would protect 
all citizens equally in all their rights, regardless of their politi- 
cal opinions; that I would suppress all insurrectionary move- 
ments within the State; that I would repel all attempts to in- 
vade it from whatever quarter and by whomsoever made ; and 
that I would thus maintain a strict neutrality in the present 
unhappy contest, and preserve the peace of the State." This 
was a clear abandonment of secession by the Governor, but 
the proposition was made upon the condition that the Federal 
Government would undertake to disarm the volunteer soldiers 
called the Home Guards, and would pledge itself not to occupy 
with its troops any locality in the State not occupied by them 
at that time. Finally when this proposition had been fully 
discussed (till all present understood it), Lyon suddenly broke 
up the conference by this reply ; "Rather than concede to the 
State of Missouri the right to demand that my government 
shall not enlist troops within her limits, or bring troops into 
the State whenever it pleases, or move its troops at its own 
will into, out of, or through the State; rather than concede 
to the State of Missouri for one instant the right to dictate 
to my Government in any matter however unimportant, 
I would see you and every man, woman, and child in the 
State, dead and buried ;" and, turning to the Governor, he said : 
"This means war ; in an hour one of my officers will call for 
you and conduct you out of my lines." And it did mean war. 
Men who had known and loved each other for years, now bade 
farewell and turned away, a part to fight for the Union, the 
other part for the State. 



494 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

Questions on Chapter XIII. 

1. What is said of the arsenal near St. Louis and Jackson's 
attempt to gain possession of it? (156) 

2. De'scribe Captain Lyon. (157) 

3. What had he to say of Mr. Lincoln? (157) 

4. What did he foresee from the Kansas troubles? (157) 

5. What did he and Blair determine on? (157) 

6. What call did Mr. Lincoln make? (158) 

7. What was Jackson's reply? (158) 

8. How did Blair and Lyon regard this reply? (158) 

9. What other bad report did they hear? (158) 

10. What is said of Liberty arsenal? (159) 

11. What conflict between Harney and Lyon had occurred? 
(160) 

12. Describe Lyon's conduct on May 9. (161) 

13. What did Frost do on the morning of the tenth? (161) 

14. Describe the attack on Camp Jackson. (162) 

IS- What was the purpose of the attack on Camp Jackson? 
(163) 

16. How did it prove to be a blunder? (163) 

17. What were some of its effects? (164) 

18. Who was placed in command of the State Guard? (164) 

19. How did Harney regard the attack on Camp Jackson? (165) 

20. What was the Price-Harney agreement? (166) 

21. How did Price begin to carry it out? (166) 

22. What did Harney say of it? (166) 

23. How did the Safety Committee break it down? (166) 

24. What was the result on Harney? (166) 

25. What further efforts at peace were made? (167) 

26. Describe the interview between Lyon and Jackson. (167) 

27. What did Jackson propose? (167) 

28. Upon what condition were these propositions made? (167) 

29. Was Lyon willing to concede to the State the right to 
dictate to the Federal Government? (167) 

30. What did he say? (167) What did that mean? (167) 



CHAPTER XIV. 

BOONVILLE, CARTHAGE AND COWSKIN 

PRAIRIE. 

168. Hasty Movements. — Jackson and Price hastened 
to Jefferson .City immediately after the conference with 
Lyon, arriving there at two o'clock at night. Before daylight 
the Governor had issued his proclamation, setting forth in 
full the propositions of the conference, and asking for fifty 
thousand volunteers, "for the purpose," he said, "of repelling 
the attack that had been made on the State and for the pro- 
tection of the lives, liberties and property of her citizens." He 
also sent orders to the commanders of the different military 
districts (mentioned in section 164), to assemble their men 
and prepare for active service. On the next day he and Price 
and the State officers, with the State papers, hastily set out 
for Boonville, General Price having previously caused the 
railroad bridges over the Osage and Gasconade to be destroyed 
so as to prevent Lyon's approach by rail, and directed General 
Parsons, who had collected a small force, to retire to a point 
along the Missouri Pacific railroad and there await orders. 

169. At Boonville. — On his arrival at Boonville Jackson 
found General John B. Clark already there with several hun- 
dred men. They continued to arrive during the next two days, 
and came in little squads from all around the country, but 
mostly from north of the river where Clark and Price and 
Jackson were greatly beloved. But Price soon became con- 
vinced that it would be impossible for him to hold the river 

(495) 



490 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

against the superior force of General Lyon, who was rapidly 
nToving up the river. He needed time to organize an army, 
train the troops who knew nothing at all of a soldier's duties 
and to furnish them with guns and ammunition. He, there- 
fore, leaving Jackson and Clark behind him, hastened on to 
Lexington. His plan was to assume command of the troops 
who had been assembling at that point, which had been 
threatened by a large body of Kansas and National forces, and 
withdraw them to the southwest, where he hoped for time to 
organize, arm and equip them. 

170. Lyon's Movements. — The movements of Gen- 
eral Lyon were equally active. Immediately after the con- 
ference in St. Louis with Jackson and Price, he telegraphed to 
Washington for five thousand stand of arms and authority 
to enlist more troops in Missouri. Both requests were im- 
mediately granted. He ordered Colonels Sigel, Salomon and 
B. Gratz Brown with their regiments to set out for Springfield. 
Brigadier-General Thomas W. Sweeney was put in command 
of this expedition, and its object was to intercept Governor 
Jackson if he should attempt to retreat to Arkansas. Lyon 
himself took two thousand well-trained troops and started by 
boat next day for Jefferson City. He arrived there on the 
fifteenth of June, and leaving Colonel Boernstein and three 
hundred men to hold the city, he himself proceeded up the 
river. When within eight miles of Boonville, he landed most 
of his men, and caused the boats to move on past the city 
with the rest, in order to deceive Jackson as to his real pur- 
pose. 

17L Battle of Boonville. — The battle of Boonville was 
fought on Monday, June 17, between Colonel Marmaduke 



BOONVILLE, CARTHAGE AND COWSKIN PRAIRIE. 497 

with less than five hundred men, and General Lyon with 
over three times that number. The engagement was sharp 
and was kept up for some time. It took place one mile east 
of the city and resulted in routing Marmaduke, with two men 
killed and five slightly wounded. Lyon's loss was two men 
killed and nine wounded. Jackson was now obliged to beat 
a hasty retreat to the southwest, which he did with his entire 
force, including General Parsons who had joined him at Boon- 
ville on the very day of the fight with Lyon. Lyon remained 
at Boonville two weeks waiting for his transportation, and 
thoroughly discouraging any secession movements by his very 
presence. 

172. Discouraging Effects. — This battle of Boonville, 
trifling as it may appear from the amount of fighting done, 
proved to be perhaps the most important to the Union cause 
fought in Missouri during the entire war. It was the first 
real fight between the State and Union forces and the Union 
had won. It was fought, on the part of the State, by volun- 
teers alone. When these were defeated it almost put a stop 
to volunteer enlistments in Price's army. The ardor of the 
Southern sympathizers had led them to believe that Jackson's 
forces would gain this battle. When he failed they were so 
discouraged and calmed that they quietly submitted. All north 
Missouri was now in complete subjection. At Lexington Price 
was threatened with a force of 2,500 men from Kansas under 
Major Sturgis. He therefore ordered his troops to proceed 
southward under command of General Rains, to join Jackson, 
and set out himself for Arkansas to induce General Ben 
McCullough with a large Confederate army to enter the State 
and assist in driving Lyon from it. 

32 



498 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



173. The Battle of Carthage. — Jackson retreated 
southward rapidly. His force consisted of between six and seven 
thousand men, badly organized and poorly supplied with arms 
and ammunition. At Lamar he was joined by Rains and as he 
approached Carthage he suddenly found Colonel Sigel in his 
front, with about a thousand well-armed men. On July 5 a line 
of battle was drawn 'on a ridge which gently inclined towards 
Coon creek, about twelve miles from Carthage. About 2,600 
infantry armed with shotguns and rifles, and 1,500 mounted 
men similarly armed, took part in the fight on the part of the 

State troops. Sigel opened 
the fight with a steady fire 
of shot, grape and shell. It 
was kept up for about an 
hour, when about two 
thousand of Jackson's un- 
armed men were ordered 
to take shelter in the skirt- 
ing of woods on his right. 
Sigel did not know they 
were unarmed but sup- 
posed they were ordered 
to attack him in the rear, 
and withdrew his men in 
MAj. GEN. FRANZ SIGEL. good Order beyoud the 

creek. There he left Essig's battery and five companies of in- 
fantry to prevent the State troops from crossing. When the 
troops got wnthin four hundred yards of the ford they were 
met by the well-directed shots from Essig's battery. Here the 
hottest fighting of the day followed. But Generals Clark and 
Parsons managed to cross at another ford, and were about to 




BOONVILLE, CARTHAGE AND COWSKIN PRAIRIE. 499 

cut off any possibility of Essig's escape. He therefore fell 
back to the main body of Sigel's army, which continued its re- 
treat on to Sarcoxie, twenty miles away. Sigel's loss was 
thirteen killed and thirty-one wounded. Jackson's loss was 
ten killed and sixty-four wounded. The losses on each side 
have often been erroneously reported to be three or four hun- 
dred. 

174. Lyon's Course. — We left General Lyon at Boon- 
ville. He remained there two weeks and then set out to 
run Jackson down, give him battle and compel him to sur- 
render or drive him from the State. He arrived within twelve 
miles of Springfield on July 12, and ''accompanied by a body- 
guard of ten stalwart troopers for his especial escort, he dashed 
through the streets of the city on his iron-grey horse, his 
bearded warriors being mounted on powerful chargers and 
armed to the teeth with great revolvers and massive swords." 
The next day he telegraphed to headquarters that Governor 
Jackson was in that vicinity with not less than thirty thousand 
men, and asked for ten thousand additional troops. As a mat- 
ter of fact Jackson had on the previous day left for Arkansas, 
and the entire combined force of Lyon's foes did not at any 
time amount to over fifteen thousand men, armed and un- 
armed. 

175. Organization of Price's Army. — Lyon's two 
weeks delay at Boonville proved invaluable to Price. Price 
had been successful in inducing McCulloch to cross the border 
with several regiments of Confederates and Arkansas troops, 
but without waiting for them he hastened back to Missouri to 
organize his own army. On July 12th he led his troops toward 
Cowskin Prairie, in McDonald county, and there had a breath- 



50O HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

ing spell, and began at once a systematic organization of his 
army and energetic preparations for an active campaign. He 
had few arms or military supplies of any kind and no money 
with which to procure them. But he needed no money to pay 
the men. They never expected any pay, had never been 
promised any, but had volunteered their services to fight for 
the State and to help the Governor maintain its dignity and 
himself at its head as its rightful executive, as they believed. 
They were intelligent men ; such men imbued with the spirit 
and purposes which actuated them, can always devise muni- 
tions of war. Governor Jackson on leaving the capital had 
brought along a supply of powder. The lead was taken from 
the Granby mines near by. One of the officers. Major Thomas 
H. Price, devised from the trunks of large trees monster molds 
for buckshot and bullets. The work of organizing and equip- 
ping the State Guard thus went on apace, and by the end of 
July it was ready to take the field with an effective force of 
five thousand men armed with hunting rifles, shotguns, a few 
cannons and a few army guns, while two thousand more un- 
armed men were waiting to pick up the guns of those who 
might be stricken in battle or by disease. 

Questions on Chapter XIV. 

1. What did Jackson do on his arrival at Jefferson City? (i68) 

2. How did Price try to impede Lyon's movements? (i68) 

3. What other preparations for a campaign v^ere made? (169) 

4. Describe Lyon's movements. (170) 

5. Describe the battle of Boonville. (171) 

6. What is said of the importance of this fight? (172) 

7. Detail the incidents of the battle of Carthage. (173) 

8. What was Lyon's next movement? (174) 

9. What telegram did he send from Springfield? (174) 

ID. Describe Price's movements and the organization of his 
army. (175) 



CHAPTER XV. 

THE BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK. 

176. Forward Movements. — On the twenty-eighth 
and twenty-ninth of July General Price, with a force of 5,000 
armed and 2,000 unarmed Missourians, General McCuUoch 
with a brigade of 3,200 well-armed Confederates, and General 
Pearce with 2,500 Arkansas troops, in all nearly thirteen thous- 
and men, began to unite their forces near Cassville, fifty-two 
miles southwest of Springfield. On the thirty-first they started 
for that city. Lyon learned of the movement next day, but 
was led to believe they were marching upon the city by 
separate routes. He determined therefore to attack them in 
detail and started the same day to meet the force advancing 
from Cassville. He went twenty-four miles in that direction, 
but being unable to learn anything about the army in front of 
him, which was, in fact, the entire forces of Pearce, Price and 
McCulloch, and fearful that they, with their larger force, 
would flank him and cut off all communication with Spring- 
field, on Monday, August 3, he returned thither. By this 
time McCulloch had pretty well lost confidence in ''the undis- 
ciplined" Missouri troops, and in order to pacify him 
General Price, who was a far abler general, yielded to him 
the chief command. McCulloch followed Lyon toward 
Springfield to Wilson's Creek, about nine miles southwest. 
Here he camped in a considerable valley, within reach of some 
ripening cornfields, which were to be the only subsistence of 
his army for the next day or two. Near the ford across this 

(501) 



502 HISTORY OF MISSOURI, 

creek the valley was narrow, and toward the west was a hill 
gradually rising from the creek to a height of nearly one hun- 
dred feet, and covered with undergrowth and scrub-oak trees. 
This hill has since been known as ''Bloody Hill," and here 
on Saturday, August lo, 1861, was fought the bloody battle of 
Wilson's Creek. 

177. The Battle. — Friday, August 9, Lyon ordered Sigel 
to set out late in the afternoon with his entire force of twelve 
hundred men, turn McCulloch's right flank and attack him in 
the rear. He himself set out with four thousand two hundred 
men. About midnight he halted within two miles of Bloody 
Hill, and the next morning at dawn started for that point. 
At five o'clock he came in contact with the advance State 
forces under Hunter, which fell back over the brow of Bloody 
Hill. As they did so, Lyon opened on them with his cannon, 
and immediately Sigel, who had completely gained McCulloch's 
right, responded with his guns upon the eastern outposts. Mc- 
Culloch hastened off to meet Sigel, and Price to engage Lyon. 
Price's and Lyon's forces formed within three hundred yards 
of each other, but the undergrowth kept them entirely con- 
cealed. Price deployed 3,100 men under Generals Clark, Par- 
sons and McBride along the eastern declivity; Lyon, leaving 
the rest of his men for reserve, took 1,900 of them and formed 
along the western side, his under-officers being the afterwards- 
famous Generals Schofield, Totten, Sturgis, Granger, Elliott, 
and Osterhaus. Price waited for Lyon to make the attack. 
This he did soon after six o'clock. ''Forward" rang along 
the lines and was plainly heard by both sides. Then followed 
the crackling of the brush through which Lyon's men were 
advancing, then the sharp click of a thousand rifles, the 
reply of a thousand shotguns and the roar of the cannon. The 



THE BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK. 503 

battle raged for five hours with desperate fury. "The lines 
approached again and again within less than fifty yards of 
each other, and then, after delivering a deadly fire, each would 
fall back a few paces to re-form and re-load, only to advance 
again to this strange battle in the woods." Frequently the 
deepest silence would fall upon the men after one of these 
charges. The two armies were grappling in a death struggle 
for Missouri. 

About nine o'clock Sigel had been completely routed 
with very little hard fighting and was in full retreat to Spring- 
field. His men had taken instant flight on the dashing on- 
slaught of the third Louisiana regiment, which they took for 
Iowa friends. Throwing themselves into the brush, which 
lined both sides of the road, they became separated. Sigel 
and Salomon, with about two hundred Germans, and Carrs 
company of cavalry, started for Springfield, but were suddenly 
set upon by Colonel Major, with some mounted Missourians 
and Texans. The Germans being abandoned by Carr, were 
nearly all either killed, wounded, or captured. Sigel reached 
Springfield with only one man. 

The entire Confederate force, after the defeat of Sigel, 
was ordered to assist Price in his conflict with Lyon. Seeing 
all this army concentrating before him, Lyon .determined to 
dash upon Price with all his might and crush him to the 
ground before these gathering forces could come to his relief. 
Then followed the hottest fight of the day. 'The engagement 
at once became general and desperately fierce along the entire 
line. Price's men appearing in front, often in three or four 
ranks, lying down, kneeling and standing, and the lines often 
approaching within thirty or forty yards." Riding along 
in front of his men, now broken down by the long night-march 



504 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

and four hour's hard fighting, the intrepid Lyon encouraged 
them to make one more effort to win the day. Suddenly, his 
horse was shot from under him, and he himself was wounded 
in the head and in the leg. He was stunned for the moment, 
and was heard to confusedly say he feared the day was lost. 
Then recovering himself, he mounted another horse and rode 
gallantly along the lines, waving his hat and urging his men 
to follow. The soldiers instantly closed around him, and 
together they dashed into the fight. The next moment a ball 
had pierced Lyon's breast and he was dead. The command fell 
on Major Sturgis, who ordered retreat. The Union forces 
moved away in perfect order from the field for which they had 
fought so bravely and so ably. 

178. The Results of the Battle.— Of the 5,400 Union 
men who took part in the fight 1,317 officers and men 
were killed, wounded or missing. General Lyon, every 
brigadier-general and every colonel engaged on Bloody Hill 
were either killed or wounded, so that the army was led off by 
a major. The total loss of the Confederate and State troops 
was 1,230 killed and wounded, out of 10,000 men who in some 
way took part in the battle. Colonels Weightman, Cawthorn and 
Ben Brown were killed ; Foster, Kelly and Burbridge were dis- 
abled ; General? Slack, Clark and Price were wounded. The 
total number wounded, killed and missing on both sides was 
2,547, or sixteen per cent. Of the 7,700 men who took part 
in the battle on Bloody Hill, on both sides, 1,880 or about 
twenty-five per cent were killed or wounded. Old soldiers 
who took part in the battle have frequently corroborated each 
other in stating that on one acre of the field where the battle 
was fiercest, at least half the surface was covered with dead 
or dying men. 



THE BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK. 505 

179. The Retreat. — Lyon's army had been completely 
defeated. It was now at the mercy of Price and McCuUoch 
if they chose to pursue. It had an immense and richly-laden 
wagon train and other spoils valued at one million, five hun- 
thousand dollars. These it undertook to conduct safely to 
Rolla. Its adversaries had come out of the battle with six 
or eight thousand men who had scarcely fired a gun. Besides, 
the battle gave them plenty of arms and ammunition. They 
could also have had this immense army train, and thereby 
supplies for their army for months. But McCuUoch refused to 
follow up the victory and take easy possession of the fruit 
which the rules of war made his. He was a Confederate officer 
in command of a Confederate army. He had been stationed in 
Arkansas for the defense of Indian Territory. His duty was 
to defend, not to attack. Missouri was yet in the Union. He 
had no authority to attack a loyal State. He had repelled 
Lyon's intended invasion of Arkansas and Indian Territory, 
and having succeeded he now conceived it his duty to with- 
draw from Missouri. In vain did Price beg him to lead the 
forces against the retreating Union army. To have done so 
would have been to retake the State within sixty days. Price 
was unable to accomplish this movement with his forces alone, 
and before he could undertake it the Union army had increased 
to many times larger than his own. Sturgis made the trip to 
Rolla in peace, and Price was never afterwards able to make 
any headway against the overwhelming Union forces that 
now poured into the State. 

Questions on Chapter XV. 

1. What were the Confederate and State forces at the close 
of July and who were in command? (176) 

2. What did Lyon hear and do? (176) 



506 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

3. How did McCulloch happen to be in command? (176) 

4. To what place did McCulloch follow Lyon? (176) 

5. What movement did Lyon and Sigel make on August 9? 
(177) 

6. Describe the arrangement of troops on both sides- (177) 

7. Describe the battle on Bloody Hill. (177) 

8. What success had Sigel had? (177) 

9. What further is said of the fight on Bloody Hill? (177) 

10. What were some of the results of the battle? (178) 

11. What is said of the retreat? (179) 

12. What was the result of failure to follow up the victory? 
(179) 



CHAPTER XVI. 

THE LAST MONTHS OF 1861. 

180. Actions of the Convention. — The second meet- 
of the Convention, which, instead of dissolving after 
its March session, had only taken a recess to reconvene at the 
call of its executive committee, was begun in Jefferson City on 
July 22. Its former president, Ex-Governor Price, had ac- 
cepted the position of major-general of the State troops, and 
his seat was declared vacant because of that fact. Robert Wil- 
son, of Buchanan county, was elected president in his stead. 
The Convention then entered upon some extraordinary pro- 
ceedings. On July 30 it declared the ofTice of Governor vacant 
and elected one of its own members, Hamilton R. Gamble of 
St. Louis, Governor in Jackson's place. It declared the ofifice 
of Lieutenant-Governor vacant and elected Willard P. Hall, of 
St. Joseph, in Mr. Reynolds's stead. It went further and de- 
clared the offices of the members of the Legislature vacant 
and agreed upon a time for electing their successors. Before 



THE LAST MONTHS OF 1861. 507 

that time had arrived the election was postponed, by subsequent 
sessions, till November, 1862, and before an election was held 
at all, it passed laws prescribing that no person should be 
allowed to vote who did not indorse the actions of the Con- 
vention. It went still further and began to perform the duties 
of the General Assembly, and these duties it exercised for 
seventeen months before giving the people a chance to elect 
a new Legislature in place of the one whose powers it had as- 
sumed, and not till 1864 did it permit the people to elect a Gov- 
ernor in Jackson's stead, although the Constitution plainly re- 
quired that in case of a vacancy in the office of Governor an 
election should be held to fill it. These acts of the Convention 
have usually been excused on the ground of military necessity. 
That the great mass of the people quietly submitted to such 
a change, was positive proof that they realized the State was 
now in the midst of a great war, which required the exercise of 
new and extraordinary powers by this body which assumed to 
act for the State; and whether they approved of the course of 
the Convention or not as being the best policy, it remains true 
that nearly all its members were conservative, loyal men, who 
at all times had in mind only to secure peace and keep the 
State in the Union. As soon as it was certain that the destiny 
of the State would be safely Union in the hands of a new 
Legislature, the Convention laid down its assumed powers and 
permitted the Legislature to exercise them as it had done in 
former days. 

181. Battle of Lexington.— After the battle of Wil- 
son's Creek, General IMcCulloch withdrew to Indian Ter- 
ritory, General Pearce took his troops back to Arkansas, and 
General Price started north for the Missouri river. On the 



508 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

thirteenth of September his forces drew up in front of Lexing- 
ton, and on the eighteenth began besieging the place. The 
Union troops were well intrenched behind good embankments 
on Masonic College Hill, the present location of Central Col- 
lege for Young Ladies. General James A. Mulligan was in 
command with about one thousand and five hundred Mis- 
sourians and an equal number of Illinois troops. General 
Price's men numbered about seven thousand fit for service. 
They made movable breastworks of bales of hemp, under 
shelter of which they approached within thirty yards of Mulli- 
gan's works. The siege was kept up for fifty-two hours. Then 
Mulligan surrendered. According to General Price the fruits 
of this victory were three thousand prisoners, five pieces of 
artillery, over three thousand stand of arms, seven hundred 
and fifty horses, about one hundred thousand dollars worth 
of commissary stores and a large amount of other property. 
He also obtained the restoration of "nine hundred thousand 
dollars in money which had been taken from a bank in the 
city." During the siege both armies underwent great hard- 
ships. When it first began, thousands of Price's troops, who 
had not slept or eaten for thirty-six hours, fought desperately 
all day. When Mulligan surrendered, his men were entirely 
out of water, and all they had had during a great part of the 
siege had been obtained by catching the water of a slight rain 
in their blankets and then wringing them in buckets. A week 
later Price abandoned Lexington and started southward. 

182. The Secession Legislature. — While General Price 
was at Lexington, Governor Jackson issued a call from 
that place for the General Assembly to meet on October 21 
at Neosho in the southwest corner of the State, where it 



THE LAST MONTHS OF 1861. 509 

could be under the shelter of Price's army. Just how many 
members were present is not known, for the records of its 
proceedings were lost. Perhaps not a quorum of either house. 
If this were true, its actions could not be binding upon the 
State. Yet it is true that it passed a secession act by which 
it declared Missouri withdrawn from the Union. It elected 
John B. Clark, Sr., and R. L. Y. Peyton to the Confederate 
Senate at Richmond, Virginia, and eight other gentlemen to 
the House. For purposes of its own the Confederacy chose 
to recognize these acts of the Legislature as legal, and ad- 
mitted Missouri into the Confederacy. There can be no 
doubt that many of the people indorsed the action of this 
Legislature. In fact, ever since the attack on Camp Jack- 
son, public sentiment had been growing for secession. But 
the Convention, which some months before this declared va- 
cant the seats of the members of the Legislature, still exer- 
cised the duties of that body and was sustained by the strong 
hand of military power. In its subsequent dealings with the 
State, Congress chose to recognize the Convention as being 
the only power that could take Missouri out of the Union. 
Consequently the State never seceded. But after this "Seces- 
sion Act" the organization of the State Guard ceased, and 
all those who "went south" and joined the Confederate army 
were known as Confederates, although it was more than three 
months after this before any of them ever saw a Confederate 
flag. Soon after this Governor Jackson went south and re- 
mained out of the State most of the time till his death, which 
occurred at Little Rock, December 6, 1862. From that time 
on Thomas C. Reynolds, the Lieutenant-Governor, acted in 
Jackson's stead till the people elected Thos. C. Fletcher Gov- 
ernor, in 1864. Of course the power he exercised was lim- 



510 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

ited, and was in dispute of the right of Gamble to act as 
Governor of the State. He appointed members to the Con- 
federate Congress, both House and Senate, and made a few 
other Hke appointments, but aside from this he was Governor 
only in name. 

Questions on Chapter XVI. 

1. When did the Convention again meet? (i8o) 

2. Whom did it elect president? (i8o) 

3. What did it do about the office of Governor? (180) 

4. What did it do as to all other offices? (180) 

5. What powers did it assume? (180) 

6. On what ground have these acts usually been excused? 
(180) 

7. Describe the battle of Lexington. (181) 

8. Where did the remnant of the Legislature convene? (182) 

9. What is said of it? (182) 

10. Did Missouri secede? (182) Why not? (182) 

11. What were the troops now called? (182) 

12. What became of Jackson? (182) 

13. What about Reynolds? (182) 



CHAPTER XVII. 
FROM 1862 TO 1864. 

183. Order No. 24. — The war had produced local dis- 
turbances in nearly every county in the State, and in some 
localities neither life nor property was safe. But in St. Louis 
everything was orderly and the Union forces there were in 
full control. For this reason many avowed supporters of 
the Union cause had taken refuge in the city. General Hal- 
leck of the Union army, on December 12, issued "Order No. 



FROM 1862 TO 1864. 511 

24," making assessments on certain wealthy citizens of the 
city, who favored the cause of Governor Jackson or of the 
Confederacy, by which they were required to contribute money 
for the support of these refugees. Some of these citizens 
refused to pay the assessments and their property was seized 
by force. Samuel Engler, a prominent merchant, did not 
approve of this summary way of taking away his property, 
and attempted to recover it by suit at law. For so doing 
he and his lawyer were arrested and lodged in a military 
prison. After this the assessments were generally paid. This 
method of raising funds was repeated during the next few 
years by the various little commands stationed at different 
points in the State and great sums of money were thus ob- 
tained. 

184. Battle of Pea Ridge.— General Halleck had 
wintered a large part of his army in and around Lebanon, 
Laclede county, while General Price remained around Spring- 
field. On February 11, 1862, this part of the army, under 
command of General Curtis, moved out upon Price, who fell 
back towards Cassville, then across the State line into Ar- 
kansas, where he was joined by General McCulloch, and Gen- 
eral Albert Pike with a large number of Indians and white 
troops from Indian Territory. These, added to Price's eight 
thousand Missourians, made a grand army of nearly twenty 
thousand men, and the whole was placed under the command 
of General Van Dorn, a courageous and daring officer. Curtis, 
with perhaps a less number of troops, followed Price at some 
distance and encamped near Pea Ridge, a little place only a few 
miles over the line in Arkansas and about thirty miles from 
Cassville. Here, early in the morning of March 6, 1862, he was 



512 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

vigorously attacked by Van Dorn, and a bloody battle followed, 
which was skillfully and desperately fought on both sides. 
It lasted for three days, with ever-changing fortunes to the 
opposing forces. At one time it seemed that the Union cause 
would win, then the opposition, then again the Union. On 
the third day victory perched on the Federal banner, and the 
Confederates retreated. The Union loss was one thousand 
three hundred and fifty-one killed, wounded and missing. The 
Confederate loss was about the same. General McCulloch 
was killed, so was General W. Y. Slack of Missouri, and 
General Price was wounded in the arm. 

185. Price Joins the Confederacy. — One month after 
the battle of Pea Ridge General Price published an order 
in which he bade farewell to the State Guard. Shortly after- 
ward he was transferred to the east side of the Mississippi 
with about five thousand State troops who had followed him 
into the Confederacy, and from this time on they were known 
as Confederate troops. They were from time to time joined 
by other Missourians, but it is not likely that the number 
ever exceeded ten thousand men. Of their subsequent career 
it is not proper here to speak. Suffice it to say that this band 
of men fought on till the ninth of April, 1865, and on that 
day, the very one on which Lee surrendered, their number now 
reduced to four hundred, they fired their last gun at Fort 
Blakely on the Gulf of Mexico. 

186. State Militia. — The State Convention, which 
held its third session in October, 1861, had also passed a 
Military Bill, not greatly unlike the Military Bill passed by the 
General Assembly in May, which had been urged by Lyon 
and the Convention as one cause for attacking Camp Jack- 



. FROM 1862 TO 1864. 513 

son. This bill provided for the organization of the supporters 
of the Convention and the Union cause throughout the State, 
under the name of the ''Missouri State Militia." Companies 
of these were enlisted in nearly every county, and among the 
prominent officers thereof, who were then or have since been 
prominent citizens of the State, were Col. John F. Philips 
of Pettis, Colonel T. T. Crittenden of Johnson, Major A. 
W. Mullins of Linn, Colonel John F. Williams of Macon, 
and General Odon Guitar of Boone. 

187. Missourians in Opposing Companies. — Early in 
April General Halleck set out for Corinth, Mississippi, and 
left General Schofield in command in Missouri. Governor 
Gamble appointed him Brigadier-General of Missouri State 
Militia, with power to call as much of it into active service as 
might be required to put down all marauders. Confederate 
companies for opposing these were also organized, and as a 
'result most of the battles and skirmishes thereafter took place 
between these opposing companies of Missouri citizens. 
There were many of them, but they were mostly small skir- 
mishes and to properly describe them would require a large 
volume. They engendered much strife among the people, 
disturbed all kinds of business, broke up churches and the 
schools, and drove many peaceably inclined or defenseless per- 
sons from the State. 

188. The Sacking of Lawrence. — That a rank growth 
of general freebooting should have sprung up along the border 
in both Missouri and Kansas was to be expected from the 
lawless state of affairs which has been recounted under the 
head of ''Kansas Troubles." The war opened a wider field 

j^9 



514 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

for spoliation. Early in the struggle appeared a band of 
"jayhawkers," known as ''Red Legs," because they wore red 
morocco leggings. The band was originally devoted to horse 
stealing, but became flexible enough to include rascals of every 
kind. At intervals the band would dash into Missouri, seize 
horses and cattle, commit other and worse outrages, then re- 
turn with their booty to Lawrence and sell it at public auction. 
They did not hesitate to shoot people who objected to their 
acts or inquired into their doings. Mr. Spring, an honor- 
able Kansas historian, says: "The gang contained men of 
the most desperate and hardened character, and a full recital 
of their deeds would sound like a biography of devils." The 
people of Lawrence could not drive them out or put a stop 
to their maraudings, and so their course of robbery, rapine 
and murder went on. The depredations of these men, the 
campaign of Lane into Missouri some time before, and the 
troubles dating back to 1854, led to the awful destruction of 
Lawrence on August 21, 1863. Quantrell, who led the raid, 
once lived in Lawrence — "a. dull, sullen, uninteresting knave" 
— and, just as the war began, was driven from the town to 
Missouri for some misbehavior. He now returned at the head 
of a band of Missouri bushrangers. They rode quietly into 
^Kansas, traveled forty miles the night before the massacre and 
reached Lawrence at daybreak, one hundred and seventy-five 
strong. Armed with revolvers, they were commanded to "kill 
every man and burn every house." With a wild cry, like that 
of savage Indians, they dashed through the sleeping and de- 
fenseless town, killing men indiscriminately, but especially 
butchering all Red Legs to be found. In the meantime they 
shouted — "We are here for revenge, and we have got it!" 
Stores, banks, hotels, and dwellings they rifled and then set 



FROM 1862 TO 1864. 515 

them on fire, and of the dead one hundred and eighty-three 
were counted ; and from this sickening scene — the town in 
flames, the principal streets lined with corpses, many of them 
charred and blackened — the guerrillas galloped away, easily 
evading Major (late Senator) Plumb with two hundred and 
fifty Union troops, whom they passed on the way and escaped. 
"Order No. 11" was four days later issued for the purpose 
of taking reprisals for this raid on Lawrence, and making it 
impossible for such men to live in border counties. 

189. Order No. 11. — On August 25, 1863, General 
Thomas Ewing, of the Eleventh Kansas Infantry Volunteers, 
issued from his headquarters at Kansas City an order which 
has become famous as ''Order No. 11," and which shows the 
biting misery the people then had to endure on account of 
the fratricidal war which was being carried on, not by great 
generals and brave soldiers in open and honorable battle, but 
by roving bands of guerrillas of both armies, whose purpose 
was to murder, rob, and despoil, almost as much as to main- 
tain the authority of the Union or establish the authority of 
the Confederacy. Order No. 11 commanded all persons then 
living in the counties of Cass, Jackson and Bates, except those 
living in the principal lowns, to remove from their places of 
abode within fifteen days. All persons who could show to 
the nearest military commander that they were loyal citizens, 
were permitted to move to the military stations or to Kansas, 
All other persons were to move entirely out of these counties. 
Their grain and hay were to be taken to the nearest military 
station, where the owners were granted certificates showing 
their value, and all produce not so delivered was to be de- 
stroyed. The military commanders were directed to see this 



5l6 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

order promptly obeyed, and they did so with dire earnestness. 
The whole district soon presented a scene of desolation rarely 
equaled. Cass was almost wholly depopulated. Of its ten 
thousand inhabitants only about six hundred remained in the 
county, and these were gathered at the military stations of 
Harrisonville and Pleasant Hill. There was also an immense 
destruction of property. Immediately after the close of the 
war it was estimated that at least one-third of the houses had 
been burned and one-half of the farms laid waste. In Bates 
results were still worse. Within fifteen days nearly every in- 
habitant had crossed its border, and for three years its his- 
tory was a blank. During these years the prairie fires swept 
over the land, adding to the desolation, and when, in 1866, the 
older inhabitants returned, not a vestige of their old homes 
was left save the blackened chimneys rising above the rank 
weeds. For these reasons these counties were, for a score 
of years, known as "The Burnt District." A member of Gen- 
eral Ewing's staff was Colonel George C. Bingham, who op- 
posed the issuing of this order, and begged Ewing not to 
issue it. When Ewing persisted, he became defiant and told 
him if he did so he would make him "infamous." Being one 
of the finest artists in the State, after the war closed he painted 
"Order No. 11." The painting became very celebrated, was 
copied, and can to this day be found in some Missouri homes. 
But as soil can not be destroyed, after the unhappy conflict 
had closed, many old soldiers from either army settled in 
these counties, and to-day they are among the most prosperous 
in the State. 

190. Price's Raid. — General Price, since the battle of 
Pea Ridge, had been in Arkansas and the South. Early in 



FROM 1862 TO 1864. 517 

September, 1864, he started upon a bold dash through the State, 
which has been known as "Price's Raid." He entered south- 
eastern Missouri with a large force. At Pilot Knob he met 
General H. S. Ewing with twelve hundred men, who gallantly 
held his position for a time, then spiked his guns, blew up 
his magazine, and retreated to Rolla to join his forces with 
General McNeil's. His loss had been about ten men, while 
Price's had been several times that number. The Union 
forces from every part of the State were now concentrated at 
Jefferson City to defend the capital, and the whole was in 
command of General Brown, ably re-enforced by General Clin- 
ton B. Fisk from north of the river, and General McNeil from 
Rolla. Price moved rapidly in that direction, burning the 
bridges behind him so as to impede pursuit. On October 5 
he met the outposts of the Union army at the Osage river, 
under command of Major A. W. Mullins and Colonel John 
F. Philips. They gradually fell back with slight skirmish- 
ing as he approached. Price soon found the capital well 
intrenched, and a large army prepared to resist any attack. 
He therefore moved onward towards Boonville and Lexington, 
hotly pursued by General A. J. Smith. Soon a very heavy 
Union force, under command of General Pleasonton, was in 
pursuit of Price, whose army was now being rapidly increased 
by recruits. In Saline county he sent General Jo. Shelby and 
General John B. Clark, Jr., to attack Glasgow, on the opposite 
side of the river in Howard county, which they easily captured. 
At Little Blue creek in Jackson county, he encountered Gen- 
. eral Curtis, and a sharp contest for a few hours was waged, 
when Curtis fell back. But on the twentieth his forces were 
defeated at Independence by Pleasonton. Price had been dis- 



5l8 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

appointed in the small number of recruits he had gathered. 
The number had not been over six thousand and the raid had 
accomplished nothing, and so he hastily retreated to Arkansas, 
his troops on the way undergoing the greatest hardships for 
lack of food and water. He entered the State no more till 
the war was ended. But during the raid he had marched 
1,434 miles, and engaged in forty-three small battles and 
skirmishes. 

191. Other Engagements. — The war was now over. 
But it would be a mistake to suppose because Price was out- 
side the State during the greater part of the war, that there- 
fore there was peace and order. The important battles have 
been mentioned, but this was not all the war nor the greater 
part of it. According to the official records, between the 
time of the capture of the Government arsenal at Liberty, on 
April 20, 1 86 1, and the twentieth of November, 1862 — a 
period of nineteen months — over three hundred battles and 
skirmishes had been fought within the State. During the 
next two years it is estimated there were one hundred and 
fifty more, but they were relatively more destructive of life. 
So here is a total of four hundred and fifty small battles and 
skirmishes for the entire war, an average of four for every 
county in the State. North of the river these engagements 
were mostly between the State or Enrolled Militia, and regu- 
larly enlisted Confederates who were attempting to make their 
way south to join the Confederate army. It was to prevent 
them in this attempt that these skirmishes were fought. But, 
nevertheless, many of them 'Vent south," as it was then de-° 
scribed, and fought on till peace was established. Most of 
them went after the battle of Pea Ridge, from which time the 



FROM 1862 TO 1864. 519 

State was practically under the control of the Union author- 
ities, and no Confederate army of any consequence was in the 
State till the time of Price's raid, nearly two years and a half 
afterwards. 

192. The Number of Soldiers. — But the number of 
these men that "went south" was not as large by far as is 
usually supposed. The entire number that enUsted during 
the last three years of the war was less than twenty thousand. 
Add to these the ten thousand who had joined Price east of 
the Mississippi, and ten thousand for those who either returned 
home after the battle of Pea Ridge, or had prior to that time 
served as State Guards, and the number is swelled to the 
grand total of forty thousand men, which will include all the 
soldiers that Missouri furnished to Jackson and the Confed- 
erate service. But the number of Union enlistments reached 
the magnificent array of 109,111 men, which was thirty-three 
thousand more than the number furnished by Iowa, eighty- 
nine thousand more than by Kansas, and three-fourths as many 
as by Massachusetts, and is an undeniable answer to all asser- 
tions that Missouri was ever disloyal to the Union. Of these 
one hundred and nine thousand one hundred and eleven, eight 
thousand were negroes w^ho had formerly been slaves. The 
Provisional Government of which Governor Gamble was the 
head, had been so successful in managing the affairs of the 
State that it established order over a great part of it, and 
answered every call made by the national authorities upon 
Missouri for men, without a draft and with a small expendi- 
ture of money. The number of Union soldiers was forty- 
seven per cent of the entire number of men of military age, 
and the number furnished both armies was sixty-four per 
cent of those subject to military duty. These figures become 



520 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



more instructive when it is remembered that in i860 Mr. 
Lincoln obtained only ten per cent of the State's vote. 

193. Hamilton R. Gamble. — Governor Gamble having 
died on January 31, 1864, Lieutenant-Governor Willard P. 
Hall became Governor, and acted as such until January, 1865. 
Hamilton R. Gamble was born in Virginia, in 1798, and was 
of Irish descent. He was educated at Hampden-Sidney Col- 
lege. Before he was of age he was admitted to the bar in 
three States. In 18 18 he moved to Franklin, Howard county, 
and was shortly afterward appointed prosecuting attorney. In 
1824, Governor Bates appointed him Secretary of State, which 

required him to move to St. 

Charles, the then capital. 



Soon afterward, on the death 
of Bates, he settled in St. 
Louis and made that his home 
till his death. After he took up 
his home there he soon estab- 
lished a reputation as a great 
lawyer, and from that time on 
^>^ was connected with almost 
every important suit pending 
?■ in the St. Louis courts — fol- 
lowed them to the Supreme 
Court of the United States, 
argued them in person and 
obtained a high reputation as a jurist. In 1846 he was 
a member of the Legislature. In 1852 he became Chief Jus- 
tice of the Supreme Court, and served for three years, being 
at the time a Whig. When the important question of seces- 
sion was submitted to the people, he earnestly and ably es- 




HAMILTON R. GAMBLE. 



FROM 1862 TO 1864. 521 

poused the cause of the Union, and was elected without oppo- 
sition to the Convention which was to decide Missouri's course 
during the war, and was made chairman of the committee on 
Federal relations, and wrote the report against secession which 
was adopted. When Claiborne Jackson was deposed as Gov- 
ernor, he was elected to the office of Provisional Governor by 
the Convention. He assumed the duties of Governor August 
I, 1861, and exercised them till his death. He was chosen for 
only one year, but by a vote of the Convention, in June, 
1862, he was to continue in office till after the election in 
November, 1864. His powers as Governor were great, but 
he exercised them with a steadfast purpose to restore peace. 

Questions on Chapter XVII. 

1. What was order No. 24? (183) 

2. How did Engler try to escape it? (183) 

3. Did any one except Halleck try this method of raising 
money? (183) 

4. Describe the battle of Pea Ridge. (184) 

5. What did Price now do? (185) 

6. How many men followed him? (185) 

7. What is said of the State militia? (186) 

8. Mention some of the prominent officers. (186) 

9 What is said of JMissourians in opposing companies? (187) 
:o What is said about the Red Legs? (188) 

I. What is said of Quantrell? (188) 

And of the sacking of Lawrence? (188) 
[3. What counter movement did General Ewing make? (189) 
[4. What was order No. 11? (189) 

5. What were its effects? (189) 
[6. What is said of Bingham and his picture? (189) 

7. Describe Price's raid. (190) 

What was accomplished by it? (190) 
[9. What is said of the number of engagements? (191) 

20. How many Missourians in the State Guard and in the Con- 
federacy? (192) 

21. How do you arrive at this? (192) 



522 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



2.2. How many on the Union side? (192) 

23. What percentage of the population? (192) 

24. Give sketch of life of Gamble. (193) 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR 
FLETCHER. 

194. Thomas C. Fletcher became Governor January 
2, 1865, and served till 1869. He was the first Republican, 
the first native-born, and the youngest. Governor of Missouri 
up to that time. He received 71,531 votes, and his Demo- 
cratic opponent, Thomas L. Price, received 30,406. He was 
born in Jefferson county, January 22, 1827, and in early 
Hfe received a limited education. This defect he remedied by 

hard and persistent study 
while serving as deputy clerk 
of the courts of his county. 
Afterwards he was elected 
clerk of these courts, and in 
1856 was admitted to the bar. 
In i860 he advocated the elec- 
tion of Mr. Lincoln, and soon 
afterwards warmly indorsed 
the course of Lyon and Blair. 
He recruited the thirty-first 
Missouri regiment of infantry 
and was made its colonel ; 
THOS. c. FLETCHER. ^.^g wounded and captured, 

and in 1864 was nominated for Governor and elected. 




C. FLETCHER. 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FLETCHER. 523 

195. The Constitution of 1865. — The General Assem- 
bly had submitted to the people, at the election in 1864, a 
proposition for a Convention to amend the Constitution. It 
was voted to have the Convention by a majority of twenty- 
nine thousand, and sixty-six delegates were elected thereto. 
It met in the Mercantile Library hall in St. Louis, in January, 
1865, and elected Arnold Krekel president, and Charles Drake 
vice-president. It in time framed a Constitution which never 
had a parallel in America for its rigid severity. It became 
known in history as the ''Drake Constitution," because 
Charles D. Drake was the leading spirit in the Convention,' 
and from this fact and its extreme severity, has been called 
the "Draconian Code," in comparison to the laws of Draco 
of Greece, which affixed the penalty of death alike to petty 
thefts and murder, Draco justifying this by saying small 
offenses deserved death, and he knew no greater punishment 
for worse ones. 

196. Manumission Day. — The Convention, on Janu- 
ary II, 1865, passed an ordinance which declared that "here- 
after in this State there shall neither be slavery nor involun- 
tary servitude, except in punishment of crime whereof the 
party shall have been duly convicted, and all persons held to 
service or labor as slaves are hereby declared free." This 
ordinance received an overwhelming majority on final pas- 
sage, sixty delegates voting for it and only four against it. 
The Convention refused to submit this ordinance to the peo- 
ple by a vote of forty-four to four, and Governor Fletcher 
the next day issued his proclamation that "henceforth and for- 
ever no person shall be subject to any abridgment of liberty, 
except such as the law shall prescribe for the common good, 



524 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

or know any master but God." An effort was also made in 
the Convention to ''pay loyal owners for their slaves," but 
this, too, failed by a vote of forty-four to four. This ordi- 
nance was passed January 11, 1865, and for that reason this 
day has since been known as Manumission Day. But for a 
number of years there had practically been no slavery in Mis- 
souri, the slave owners making little or no efforts to restrain 
their slaves. There had been 114,031 of them in i860, and 
before the war ended many thousands had either gone off to 
other States or enlisted in the army. 

197. The Test Oath.— The action of the Convention 
in passing the Manumission Act was not objected to by the 
people, although the Convention had no authority to declare 
it to be in force until it had been either adopted by two suc- 
cessive legislatures or approved by the votes of the people. 
However, had the Convention stopped at this, no one would 
have thought of calling its declarations the ''Draconian Code." 
But it went further and prescribed a "test oath," which pre- 
vented at least one-third of the people from voting till 1872, 
and almost as many more would have been disfranchised had 
they sworn strictly to the truth when they came to take that 
oath. This test oath declared that no person should vote or 
hold any kind of office, who had "ever" engaged in hostilities, 
or given aid, comfort, countenance or support to persons en- 
gaged in hostilities, against the Government of the United 
States ; or had given money, goods, letters, or information to 
its enemies, or by act or word manifested his adherence to 
the cause of such enemies, or his sympathy with those en- 
gaged in carrying on rebellion ; or had ever been in anywise 
connected with any society unfriendly to such Government ; or 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FLETCHER. $2^ 

had ever knowingly harbored, aided or countenanced any per- 
son engaged in guerrilla warfare ; or had ever done any act 
to prevent being enrolled in the military service of the Union 
or the State. Any person who had done any of these things, 
or any other thing like them, could not vote, teach in any pub- 
lic or private school, practice law, preach the Gospel, "or be 
competent as a minister of any religious denomination, to 
preach, teach, or solemnize marriage, unless such person shall 
have first taken said oath." It did not only require allegi- 
ance and loyalty to the Union from that time on, which would 
have been a just and wise provision, but it applied to all men 
who had ever borne arms against the United States, or had 
sympathized at any time with those who did take up arms, 
or had done them acts of common kindness, or had refused 
to bear arms for the national Government. All citizens at- 
tempting to teach or preach without taking this oath were 
to be fined not less than five hundred dollars, or committed 
to prison not less than six months, or both ; and if they 
falsely took it, they were to be tried for perjury and pun- 
ished by imprisonment in the penitentiary. 

198. A Retrospective Law. — An effort was made in 
the Convention to change the words "has ever" been guilty 
of the things recited as ofifenses in the oath, to "who has since 
December 17, 1861," been guilty of them. This was done 
for a very just reason. On August 3, 1861, Governor Gam- 
ble issued a proclamation in which he promised that all citi- 
zens in arms who would return to their homes, and become 
peaceable and loyal, should not be molested. This proclama- 
tion was indorsed by President Lincoln, w^ho promised to 
such persons the protection of the national Government. Be- 



526 HISTORY 6f MISSOURI. 

sides, the Convention of 1861 had, in October of that year, 
promised that all persons who would obey this proclamation 
and take an oath of allegiance to the Government before De- 
cember 17, 1861, should not be punished "for offenses pre- 
viously committed." Many citizens in the State had there- 
upon taken such an oath of allegiance. Others had returned 
from Jackson's support and become loyal citizens. It was but 
just that good faith should be kept with these men, and that 
the ''test oath" should not be made to apply to them. But 
the Convention thought otherwise. The iron-clad oath was 
made to apply alike to all time, past and future. 

199. Ousting the Officers. — ^The Convention, on March 
17, 1865, passed an ordinance vacating the offices of the 
judges of the Supreme Court and of all. the circuit courts and 
all the county offices. The ordinance was to take effect May 
I, and was never submitted to the people. It gave the Gov- 
ernor the power to fill all these offices by appointment. Many 
of the terms of the officers, all of whom had been elected 
by the people, had not expired, notably those of the Supreme 
Court judges. They had been elected for a term of six years, 
and had served not more than fifteen months. The reason 
assigned for this wholesale removal was that only loyal men 
should be in office. This was delusive, for Governor Hall 
in his last message on the twenty-ninth of December previous, 
had announced that "all of the civil offices of the State are 
filled with men of avowed loyalty." The real reason was to 
get rid of the Supreme Court judges. But there were great 
obstacles in the way of their removal. By the old Constitu- 
tion, which was the supreme law until replaced by a new one, 
they could be removed only by the Legislature, which would 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FLETCHER. 527 

not meet till January. By that time the Supreme Court might 
set aside the test oath and other portions of the Constitution. 
That method was too slow. The power of removal had not 
been granted to the Convention when the people elected their 
delegates. It could be assumed only in violation of the old 
Constitution, which had been in effect since 1820. It was as- 
sumed, and with one fell sweep the offices of all judges and 
all county offices were vacated. 

200. Defeat Forestalled. — The Convention agreed to 
submit their Constitution to the people for indorsement. But 
to make sure that it would not be rejected, they also passed 
an ^'ordinance" declaring that no one should vote for or against 
it who would not first take the test oath. In order to be 
sure that none took the oath falsely, a system of registration 
of voters was provided for. The registering officer was given 
the power to pass upon the qualifications of all persons to 
vote, and if he deemed any of them could not truthfully take 
this oath, he refused to enter their names upon the poll books. 
Yet, after these extreme precautions, the Constitution was 
adopted by the people by a majority of only about 1,800 out 
of a total vote of 85,000, which was 55,000 less votes than 
were cast for and against having the Convention the previous 
November. The election was held June 6, 1865. 

201. Enforcing the Ousting Ordinance. — The Ameri- 
can people have always been quick to resent any interference 
by a legislative body with the judiciary, especially when it 
partakes of partisan politics. This ''ousting ordinance" was 
no exception to the rule. It gave great offense to a large 
number of persons, and assisted in driving them to the side 
of the reactionary current of feeling then rapidly setting in. 



528 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

The enforcement of the law against the Supreme Judgcj was 
resisted by two of the judges, W. V. N. Bay and J. D. S. 
Dryden. Judge Bates had resigned. Soon after the ordi- 
nance was passed Governor Fletcher appointed David Wag- 
ner, Nathaniel Holmes and W. L. Lovelace Supreme Judges. 
Judges Bay and Dryden declared the law without proper au- 
thority and refused to vacate. Governor Fletcher, therefore, 
directed the police of St. Louis to arrest them and forcibly 
eject them from the court. This was done, and they were 
taken before a criminal court of the city for disturbing the 
peace, and never afterwards attempted to resume their offices. 

202. The Results of the Draconian Code. — A most 
violent proscription followed the enforcement of this "test 
oath." *'Tens of thousands of old and honored citizens, men 
of education and influence, who had taken no part in the war, 
were denied the right to vote, and that, too, on the adoption 
of an organic law which was to govern them and their chil- 
dren after them." But, hard as this was, it is not to be com- 
pared to the further penalty of the law which forbade them 
to preach, teach, practice law or follow other simple employ- 
ments. Their only remaining rights seemed to be, as they 
were plainly told, "to pay taxes, work the roads and hold 
their peace." In St. Louis, Francis Preston Blair, who had 
done more than any other man to keep Missouri in the Union, 
was denied the privilege of voting because he refused to take 
the test oath. He filed an oath that he had been loyal ever 
since the adoption of the Constitution, and he would full and 
true allegiance bear to the State and National governments 
thereafter; but claimed the judges of election had no right 
to inquire as to his conduct prior to the time the Constitution 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FLETCHER. 529 

was adopted. He brought suit in the Supreme Court to com- 
pel the election officers to receive his ballot. It decided 
against him. 

The Missouri Baptists at their annual State meeting, fifty 
delegates being present, agreed to decline to take the oath, 
even if they had to give up preaching to do so. They de- 
clared it interfered with religious liberty, with freedom of 
the worship of God and was contrary to the Federal Consti- 
tution. The Catholic archbishop informed the clergy they 
could not take the oath without a surrender of religious lib- 
erty. Some men, who believed the dictates of conscience more 
binding upon them than this "code," undertook to preach the 
Gospel anyhow. For doing so they were indicted as crim- 
inals. Fourteen ministers were indicted at Palmyra at a 
single session of the circuit court. At other places men were 
indicted 104 times a year for no greater crime than preaching 
the glad message of salvation ; a much greater number were 
indicted a less number of times ; a few were consigned to the 
common jail. These were not bad and quarrelsome men, but 
as good, able and peaceable as could be found in the State, 
and clergymen of both Protestant and Catholic churches. In 
Cape Girardeau county three Sisters of Charity were dragged 
into court and tried for teaching without having taken this 
iron-clad oath, but the jury refused to convict them. At 
Louisiana, the Rev. J. A. Cummings, a priest in the Catholic 
church, was convicted in the circuit court. His crime was 
teaching and preaching without having taken the oath referred 
to. There was no evidence that Mr. Cummings had been 
guilty of any act of disloyalty, or that he had at any time 
a disloyal thought or sympathy. He was not so charged. He 

34 



530 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



was charged only with preaching and teaching without hav- 
ing taken the oath, which had he taken falsely, however loyal 
he was then and thereafter, would have made him liable to 
imprisonment in the penitentiary. He was convicted, sen- 
tenced to pay a fine of five hundred dollars and to be com- 
mitted to jail till the fine and costs were paid. He appealed 
his case to the Supreme Court of the State. It decided against 
him. Then he appealed to the Supreme Court of the United 
States, and it set the test oath aside as contrary to the nation's 
Constitution. That court declared it to be an ex post facto 
law. It said no State was permitted to enact a law which 
punished men for offenses committed before the law was 
passed. After that decision, indictments ceased for preach- 
ing the Gospel and practicing law and pursuing other em- 
ployments. These indictments had in but few cases been fol- 
lowed by fine and imprisonment. Final action had been taken 
in .but very few of them, the courts in most cases delaying 
trial in the matter till the national Supreme Court should 
decide the Cummings case. When that decision was made 
in favor of the preachers, teachers and lawyers, the indict- 
ments were never again called up in court, and never again 
heard of. 

203. Registration Act.— The Supreme Court of the 
United States had, by its decision in the case of J. A. Cum- 
mings and in that of Francis P. Blair, set aside all that part 
of the test oath which disfranchised so many men. Since 
then some of the strongest Union men in the State had set 
themselves against it, Including such prominent citizens as 
Francis P. Blair, John S. Plielps, B. Gratz Brown, Carl 
Schurz, Samuel T. Glover, John F. Philips, James O: Broad- 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FLETCHER. 53I 

head, and Willard P. Hall. The movement had gained great 
momentum, but still its opponents had a majority in the 
Legislature. At the session of 1868 it was therefore deter- 
mined to again make an attempt at general proscription. A 
very stringent registration law was passed. It gave the Gov- 
ernor power to appoint superintendents of registration in each 
senatorial district, who in turn appointed three registers in 
each county. These four officers were authorized to make 
a list of all the legal voters in the county. They were for- 
bidden to enroll any person who would not take an oath of 
loyalty, and besides were given the powder to refuse to enroll 
any others than those they chose. In many counties they 
chose to refuse half the citizens. In some cases wealthy can- 
didates for office influenced the registers to enroll their fol- 
lowers, and to decline to enroll their opponents. No one was 
allowed to vote whose name was not enrolled by these regis- 
ters. This law, perhaps, disfranchised more voters than the 
original ''test oath." It was made a principal issue in the 
campaign of 1868, and the canvass was attended with bitter- 
ness and often violence. 

204. The Election of 1868.— The Republican candi- 
date for Governor was Joseph W. McClurg of Camden county. 
The Democratic candidate was John S. Phelps of Springfield. 
McClurg's majority was 19,000, and the whole vote cast was 
145,000. E. O. Stanard, of St. Louis, was elected Lieutenant- 
Governor. 

Questions on Chapter XVIII. 

1. What is said of Thomas C. Fletcher? (194) 

2, What proposition did the Legislature submit to the people 
at the election of 1864? (195) 



532 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

3. When did this Convention meet and who was its presi- 
dent? (195) 

4. What is said of the constitution it framed? (195) 

5. What action did this Convention take toward manumitting 
slaves? (196) 

6. What did it avail? (196) 

7. How was it received by. the people? (197) 

8. To what persons did the test oath deny the ballot? (197) 

9. What else did it deny them? (197) 

10. What penalties did it prescribe? (197) 

11. To what time was it attempted to limit its proscriptions? 
(198) 

12. Why was this done? (198) 

13. How had the President indorsed this proclamation? (198) 

14. Who else indorsed it, and how? (198) 

15. What about a State that violates its promises? (198) 

16. What action did the Convention take toward ousting of- 
ficers? (199) 

17. On what grounds? (199) 

18. What had Governor Hall to say about this? (199) 

19. What was the real reason for ousting the officers? (199) 

20. How did the Convention forestall defeat? (200) 

21. What was the result of the election? (200) 

22. How was the ousting ordinance enforced? (201) 

23. Mention some results of the Drake Constitution. (202) 

24. How was Frank Blair treated? (202) 

25. What course did he pursue? (202) 

26. What course did the Missouri Baptists pursue? (202) 

27. What did the Catholic archbishop do? (202) 

28. How about the indictment of preachers? (202) 

29. Recite the details in the trial of J. A. Cummings. (202) 

30. How did the U. S. Supreme Court regard this law? (202) 

31. What prominent men led the opposition to the test oath? 
(203) 

32. How did its friends determine upon neutralizing the U. S. 
Court's decision? (203) 

33. What is said of this Registration Act? (203) 

34. How did the election of 1868 result? (204) 



CHAPTER XIX. 



McCLURG'S ADMINISTRATION. 



205. Joseph W. McClurg was born in St. Louis county^ 
February 22, 1818, and was educated at Oxford, Ohio. He 
taught school in Ohio and Louisiana, and was deputy sheriff 
in St. Louis before he was 
twenty-one. Two years 
later he was licensed to 
practice law, but soon af- 
terwards engaged in mer- 
chandising in Camden 
county. When the war 
came on he took positive 
and enthusiastic grounds <^p 
for the Union. He entered 
Congress as a Republican 
in 1862 and served till Jan- 
uary, 1869, when he re- 
signed to become Governor 

of Missouri. He was again joseph w. McCLURG 

a candidate in 1870, but was defeated. 

206. Suffrage for Slaves.— The Legislature had in 1867 
agreed by a large majority to submit to the people an amend- 
ment to the Constitution granting to former slaves and their 
descendants the privilege of voting. The amendment was 
voted on at the election in November, 1868, and was defeated 




.(533). 



534 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

by nearly nineteen thousand majority. But on January 7, 
1870, the question again came before the Legislature in the 
15th amendment to the Constitution of the United States, 
which the Legislature adopted by about a two-thirds vote of 
both houses, and as the President soon afterwards proclaimed 
that the legislatures of three-fourths of the States had adopted 
the amendment, these people were thus given the privilege 
of voting. This was before the ballot had been restored to 
those who were disfranchised by the Drake Constitution and 
the registration act. 

207. Repeal of Prescriptive Tests. — The same Legis- 
lature, however, agreed to submit to the voters an amendment 
to the Constitution abolishing the test oath and restoring the 
ballot to former Confederates, Southern sympathizers and all 
other male citizens ; and relieving them of other proscriptive 
penalties. This was voted on in November, 1870. A very 
warm and earnest campaign preceded the vote. The Repub- 
lican party disagreed in regard to what should be done with 
the great number of disfranchised citizens. Many were in 
favor of postponing the giving of the ballot to these men. 
These were called "Radical Republicans." But an equal num- 
ber believed in entire removal of all political disabilities at 
once. They were called "Liberal Republicans." The Repub- 
licans met in Convention in Jefferson City in August, 1870, 
and voted to adhere to the Radical Republican doctrine, by 
a vote of 349 to 342, and nominated Joseph W. McClurg, the 
then Governor, for re-election. The Liberal Republicans with- 
drew from the Convention, adopted a platform for immediate 
re-enfranchisement, and nominated B. Gratz Brown for Gov- 
ernor. The Democrats declined to nominate State officers, but 



M CLURG S ADMINISTRATION. 535 

supported the Liberal Republican ticket. Mr. Brown was 
elected by forty-one thousand majority, and the people voted 
to repeal the proscriptive tests by a majority of one hundred 
and eleven thousand, there being only about sixteen thousand 
votes against the proposition. J. J. Gravelly was elected Lieu- 
tenant-Governor. The Liberal Republicans and Democrats 
had also obtained a majority in both houses of the Legislature, 
and they went to work at once to repeal all obnoxious laws, 
and restore to every man equality before the laws, and remove 
all political disabilities from all. As a result, at the election 
in 1872 the vote was 112,276 greater than it was in 1870, an 
increase of sixty-seven per cent in two years. By this fact 
we can arrive at an estimate of the number disfranchised. Of 
this increase jt is not proper to count the negro vote, because 
the 15th amendment to the national Constitution, bestowing 
on negroes the right to vote, became a law of the nation prior 
to the election of 1870. It is possible, however, that twenty- 
five per cent of the increase, or twenty-eight thousand, were 
immigrants and young men now for the first time old enough 
to vote. This would leave eighty-four thousand men who 
had been disfranchised by the sweeping proscription of the 
Drake Constitution — more than twice as many as ever took 
up arms as State Guards or Confederate troops. 

208. Peace. — The restoration to citizenship was wise 
and just. Whatsoever good reason there might have been 
for denying to so many citizens the right to vote and follow 
their chosen employments in 1865, it could not be urged that 
the conduct of these men had been such as to make it unsafe 
to trust them with full and equal citizenship within a few 
years after the war had closed. Their conduct was as peace- 



536 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

able and orderly as that of any class of men in the State. Not 
even did the preachers, teachers and lawyers, after the United 
States Supreme Court had restored to them the privilege of 
following their chosen pursuits, make harsh or disloyal as- 
sertions in public. Political subjects were rarely spoken of in 
the pulpit or school. The great mass of these men had quietly 
returned to their homes, controlled by a desire for peace and 
to submit in good faith to the authority of the Union. They 
had gone diligently to work at whatever employment was open 
to them, to regaining their lost fortunes, rebuilding their burnt 
houses, and re-establishing themselves in the land whose fruits 
they had enjoyed before the war. Nothing is to be feared 
from such men, and now that the duty was upon them again 
to maintain the Union they loyally and honestly undertook 
to do so. 

Questions on Chapter XIX. 

1. Give sketch of the life of Joseph McClurg. (205) 

2. How did the people vote on the question of giving the 
ballot to former slaves and their descendants? (206) 

3. But what course did the Legislature pursue? (206) 

4. Describe the split in the Republican party. (207) 

5. What was the result of the election? (207) 

6. What majority did Brown secure? (207) 

7. What was the majority for removing prescriptive tests? 
(207) 

8. What was the increase of the vote two years later? (207) 

9. What do these figures show? (207) 

ID. What about the restoration of citizenship to all? (208) 
II. How did the preachers lawyers, teachers and other dis- 
franchised persons behave? (208) 



CHAPTER XX. 

THE ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNOR BROWN. 

209. Benjamin Gratz Brown, the twentieth Governor, 
served from January, 1871, to 1873. He was born at Lexing- 
ton, Kentucky, in 1826, and was a descendant of much -honored 
famihes of Virginia and 
Kentucky. He received 
the best of schooHng in his 
native State and graduated 
at Yale College at the age 
of twenty-one. He came 
to Missouri in 1849, ^^^' 
tied in St. Louis, and be- 
gan the practice of law, 
but abandoned it in a 
year or two. In 1852 he ^ 
was elected to the Legis- 
lature and was re-elected 
in 1854, both times as a 
"Free Soil" candidate. In B. gratz brown. 

1854 he became editor of the Missouri Democrat, and con- 
tinued as such till the breaking out of the war, with great 
ability and reputation. Early in the war he raised a Union 
regiment, became its colonel, and bore himself as a gallant and 
brave officer in the campaign in southwest Missouri. In 1863 
he was elected to the United States Senate by the radical 
emancipationists, and served till 1867. ^^ 1S66 he led the 

(537) 




2^8 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

opposition to the test oath proscription. In 1870 he was 
nominated for Governor by the Liberal Repubhcans, was 
elected and served two years. Then he returned to St. Louis, 
resumed the practice of law and gained distinction at the bar. 
In 1872 he was nominated by the Liberal Republicans for 
Vice-President along with Horace Greeley for President, and 
was defeated. He was an excellent Governor, and did much 
to bring about peaceable and kind feelings between the dis- 
cordant elements created by the war. He died in St. Louis, 
respected, honored and loved as a good and true man. 

210. Peace and Prosperity. — As the people got away 
from the war and began to study the lessons.it had taught, 
the better side of mankind again showed itself. A general 
desire for peace grew stronger and stronger. A purpose to 
restore order, to re-establish prosperity, to retrieve broken for- 
tunes, was manifest everywhere. Many a noble estate had 
been swept away by the fell hand of cruel war. Many a rich 
plantation had been laid waste, many a comfortable farm- 
house had been burnt, cattle and horses and all kinds of stock 
had been seized and driven from the land, confidence was de- 
stroyed, and deep feelings of resentment had laid hold on those 
formerly neighbors. But now that it was all over, that the 
cause was gone, these feelings gave way to higher and better 
and more manly ones, and the determination was sure and 
settled that the war should be over forever. Men began, in 
their cool and quiet labors, to see that they could honestly 
differ about even such a thing as war. This was followed by 
peace and mutual confidence, and now again the woodman's 
axe was heard in the forests, the plow was set deeper into the 
soil, and the grain ripened in the fields, was garnered and 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF BROWN. 539 

sold in the open market. A few malevolent spirts still sulked 
abroad, but the great body of the people — Union and Con- 
federate soldier, Northerner, Southerner, foreigner and native 
alike — united in action and feeling in intellectual and moral 
upbuilding. While the war had lasted many of the schools 
were closed, till at one time there were only 1,200 open. By 
1870 this number had increased to 5,000. Population had de- 
creased from 1,182,000 in i860 to about 900,000 in January, 
1865. Now, in 1870, it was, 1,719,000, according to the 
United States census, but in fact it was somewhat smaller. The 
taxable wealth had almost doubled within the four years prior 
to 1870. Tens of thousands of immigrants, mostly from the 
Atlantic States and from north of the Ohio, had come into 
Missouri and acquired homes. On every side the, people were 
fast effacing: all traces of the war. 

211. Railroad Difficulties. — The Drake Constitution 
permitted counties to subscribe any sum of money to aid in 
building railroads. It unfortunately authorized the county 
court to issue bonds binding the county for the payment of 
these subscriptions whenever two-thirds of the qualified voters 
of the county should assent thereto. These courts, in some 
cases, were composed of characterless or ignorant men, and 
the ''qualified voters" were not the people who owned the 
property of the county, and who, therefore, would have to 
pay its bonds, for many of them had been disfranchised, but 
a class of men who were governed more by other motives 
than justice and patriotism. The elections frequently were 
merely formal, only a small per cent of the taxpayers being 
permitted to vote. Dishonest speculators, in a few instances, 
bribed the courts to make the subscriptions without the people's 



540 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

knowledge or consent. Bonds to the amount of fifteen million 
dollars and over were issued by the various counties. But the 
roads were never built. Usually, work would be commenced 
on the roadbeds at various places along the proposed routes, 
and kept up with great vigor for a few weeks, and then reports 
would come that the companies had become bankrupt, and 
work would cease. Only partial payments were ever made for 
the work done. 

In the meantime the bonds were run ofif to New York 
and elsewhere, and, before they had matured, were sold to 
third parties, who paid little or no money for them, but after- 
wards claimed that they were innocent of any knowledge of 
the fraud practiced upon the taxpayers. As the courts had 
the power by law to issue the bonds, the United States 
Supreme Court held they must be paid. As a result, debts of 
several hundred thousand dollars were fastened upon Lafay- 
ette, Cass, Knox, St. -Clair and other counties. 

212. Resisting Payments. — Payment of these bonds 
was, in a few cases, made in full ; in others, terms of com- 
promise were agreed upon by which the bond-holders accepted 
fifty or sixty or eighty per cent of the face of the bonds as 
full payment; but in other cases, where the debts were enor- 
mous and the fraud glaring, payment was resisted. In Cass 
county popular resentment became violent, and at Gunn City 
on April 24, 1872, a large uprising of the people put to death 
three men concerned in issuing the bonds. Judge J. C. Steven- 
son, one of the county judges, and James C. Cline, county at- 
torney, had been indicted for complicity in the fraudulent issu- 
ing of the bonds. On this date they and Thomas Dutro, who 
was one of Cline's bondsmen, were on a train which was inter- 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF BROWN. 54I 

cepted by about three hundred citizens of Cass county. They 
were mercilessly shot down, and the train greatly damaged 
by the infuriated people. Popular feeling in Cass and surround- 
ing counties soon became intense. Governor Brown called 
out the militia, and sent General F. M. Cockrell and Colonel 
John F. Philips as special commissioners for the State to urge 
peace and order. These efforts were entirely successful. At- 
tempts were afterwards made to punish the men who assisted 
in the killing, but no jury could be persuaded to convict them. 
Since that time the bond-holders have brought suit against 
these counties in the United States courts, which decided 
against the counties and instructed the county courts to levy 
taxes to pay these debts. But a new set of judges had, in the 
meantime, come into office; men who considered it unjust to 
pay bonds for roads that had never been built. They refused 
to lev}^ the, taxes, and were in some instances sent to prison 
for contempt of Federal authority. But they would not order 
the levy, and, when they tired of the attempts to force them 
to do so, they would resign, and their successors pursued the 
same course. By this means the Federal courts were power- 
less to enforce payment, though various attempts were made 
for ten years. But in nearly every county these bonds have 
now been settled by compromise. 

213. Other Railroad Debts.— There were other rail- 
road debts. At different times prior to the war the State 
granted to various railroad companies aid in the construction 
of their roads by issuing State bonds to the amount of about 
twenty-three million dollars. For this aid the companies agreed 
to pay the interest on these bonds as fast as it became due, and 
if they failed to do so the roads were to be forfeited to the 
State. The Hannibal and St. Joseph road paid its bonds, 



542 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

which amounted to three milHon dollars, and also the interest. 
But default in the payment of the interest by the other roads 
was made between January, 1859, and July, 1861, and soon 
after the war the Pacific, the Frisco, the Iron Mountain, the 
Wabash and other roads were sold by the State. In addition 
to this there was forfeited to the State and sold along with 
the roads over one million acres of land, which had been 
granted to them by Congress, and pledged to the State for 
payment of this debt. The entire debt at the time of the sale, 
including principal and interest, was over thirty-one million 
dollars, and the State realized from the various sales only a 
little over six millions, so that there remained a debt of twenty- 
five millions, which the State has since had to pay, besides the 
many millions in interest maturing since the sale. These rail- 
road debts have been the source of nearly all the State's sub- 
sequent debts. The original bonds bore six and seven per 
cent interest. But the State went about the work of steadily 
paying the debt, and in 1885 it bought up nearly half of its 
six per cent bonds by new bonds which bore only three and a 
half per cent interest, and thus a great amount of money was 
saved annually in interest alone. The last of the debt was paid 
by 1903 except about $4,300,000, which is now represented 
by ''certificates of indebtedness" belonging to the Public 
School Fund and the Seminary Fund. The State pays interest 
on those certificates, which is distributed annually to the pub- 
lic schools and the University. 

214. The Election of 1872.— The Liberal Republican 
movement which began in 1870, and which subsequently spread 
over all the Union, continued. Efforts were made to reunite 
the two discordant factions of the Republican party, but they 
utterly failed. On August 21, 1872, the Liberal Republicans 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF BROWN. 543 

and the Democrats met in separate conventions in Jefferson 
City to nominate a joint ticket. A committee of conference 
was appointed from each convention, which soon agreed upon 
a fusion ticket. The various offices were divided up between 
the two parties according to their numerical strength. The 
Democrats nominated the candidate for Governor, the four 
Supreme Judges, eight of the Presidential electors, Treasurer, 
Attorney-General and Auditor ; the Liberals named the Lieu- 
tenant-Governor, Secretary of State, Register of Lands and 
seven Presidential Electors. Silas Woodson of Buchanan 
county was the nominee for Governor, and Charles P. John- 
son of St. Louis for Lietuenant-Governor. The two conven- 
tions then came together into one, and indorsed the nomina- 
tions as a whole. In September, the regular Republicans 
nominated John B. Henderson for Governor. At the election, 
Woodson's majority was 35,444, and the entire electoral vote 
of the State was cast for Greeley for President and Brown 
for Vice-President. At the time for the next election in 1874, 
the Liberal Republican movement had disappeared, the vast 
majority of that party having become Democrats, but a few 
reunited with the regular Republicans. 

Questions on Chapter XX. 

1. Give a sketch of the life of B. Gratz Brown. (209) 

2. What is said of him as Governor? (209) 

3. What were some of the effects of the war? (210) 

4. What now was the condition? (210) 

5. What is said about schools and population? (210) 

6. What railroad difficulties are described in section 211? 

7. What was done with these bonds? (211) 

8. How were the debts settled in many cases? (212) 

9. Describe the Gunn City tragedy. (212) 

10. How was order restored? (212) 

11. What about the actions of county judges in some of these 
counties? (212) 



544 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



12. Describe other railroad debts. (213) 

13. How much was the entire debt at one time and what was it 
after the railroads and lands were sold? (213) 

14. What was done in 1885? (213) 

15. How is the rest of the debt now represented? (213) 

16. What is said of parties in 1872? (214) 

17. Who were the candidates and who was elected? (214) 

18. What became of the Liberal Republican movement? (214) 



CHAPTER XXI. 
GOVERNORS WOODSON AND HARDIN. 

215. Silas Woodson was born in Kentucky in 1819. 
He was reared on a farm, attended the "log schoolhouse" in 
the neighborhood, and employed much of his time in read- 
ing and study. He was licensed to practice law at the age 
of twenty-one, and three years later was elected to the Leg- 
islature, and re-elected several 
times in the next twelve years. 
He also was circuit attorney 
for four years. In 1854 he 
came to ]^Iissouri and settled 
in St. Joseph, where he was 
soon recognized as a lawyer 
of marked ability. In i860 he 
was elected circuit judge and 
served with acceptability 
through the stormy days of the 
war. He was elected chair- 
man of the Democratic State 
Convention of 1872. He was 
SILAS WOODSON. Hot then a candidate for Gov- 




GOVERNORS WOODSON AND HARDIN. 545 

ernor. But there were six candidates. Three ballots were 
taken without any choice, and in the midst of the fourth 
the name of Woodson was proposed as a compromise candi- 
date, and it was received with such enthusiasm that he was 
nominated almost unanimously. He was inaugurated January 
8, 1873, and served two years. He fillea other honorable 
positions after his term as Governor expired, and died in St. 
Joseph in 1896. 

216. Business Depression. — During the term of Gov- 
ernor Woodson there was the greatest financial depression. 
The crisis was precipitated by the failure of Jay Cooke & 
Company of New York in the spring of 1873. The panic soon 
became general. Every State in the Union felt the bitings 
and gnawings of business failure. In Missouri, bank after 
bank closed its doors, and business was temporarily paralyzed. 
To add to the troubles there was a failure in crops, owing to 
a drought which set in in the summer of 1873 and lasted for 
eighteen months, with very little rain at any time. The Gov- 
ernor, in his message of 1874, said: ''Thousands who in days 
gone by have been able, without serious difficulty or great 
loss, to obtain money with which to pay debts or taxes, can 
not procure a dollar for any purpose, except at the most ruinous 
sacrifices." He proposed to meet the difficulties, as far as 
possible, by cutting down expenditures in all offices, and so 
earnestly did he plead with the Legislature that it and subse- 
quent sessions reduced state and county expenses nearly one 
half in every branch of the State government except that of 
public education. 

217. The Grange. — The financial troubles of 1873 ^^^ 
1874 were in part due to the natural collapse of the reckless 

35 



54^ HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

Speculation which seized upon the people at the close of the 
war, and of the high prices which that war had created with the 
assistance of a very large amount of discredited paper money. 
But a very large part of tlie people did not accept this as tlie 
cause, ajid throughout tlie west tliere began to form farmers' 
societies which were called the Grange. Sometimes the order 
was called tlie Patrons of Husbandry, but it was better known 
by tlie foniier name. It spread rapidly throughout the West 
and soon had over a million members, witli local societies in 
almost every neighborhood. Many of its members, and most 
of its leaders, were men of integrity, but its great member- 
ship was undoubtedly due to the financial troubles of 1873 
and 1874. The order refused to admit law}'ers, bankers, capi- 
talists, and merchants as members. It was organized on the 
theor}- that nearly all financial troubles were due to bad legisla- 
tion, and it proposed to unite all laborers, especially fanners, 
in an attempt to repeal all bad laws and make all necessary 
good ones. Tliis, of course, had been the desire of all good 
citizens from the beo"inninof of the nation, but thouMitful men 
soon concluded that the Grange acted upon the unfair theory 
that its members were entitled to favors in the making of laws 
wliicli were to be denied to other persons. This led much of 
the press in the East, and even in States where tlie organiza- 
tion was strongest, to oppose it, as teaching doctrines which 
would array one class of citizens against another. This oppo- 
sition the Grange met by declaring the unfriendly press was 
dominated by the capitalists and corporations, and hence there 
began to be discordant relations between the order and the 
political parties. 

218. Campaign of 1874. — At the election of 1S74 the 
Democratic party nominated Giarles H. Hardin, of Audrain 



GOVERNORS WOODSON AND IIARDIN. 547 

county, for Governor, and Norman J. Colman for Lieutenant- 
Governor. The Republicans declined to make any nominations, 
but the Grange and that party united in what was called the 
People's Party, and nominated William Gentry, an extensive 
farmer of Pettis county, for Governor. The cry of the Granger 
members of the People's Party was "Reform," by which they 
meant retrenchment in governmental expenditures. But Gov- 
ernor Woodson and the Legislature had already forestalled 
.them by passing the laws cutting down expenses, and hence 
few of the Democratic farmers saw any reason to leave their 
party on that account. Hardin was elected by a majority of 
37,463, and the Democrats elected thirteen Representatives in 
Congress, the number to which the State was entitled. The 
part the Grange had taken in politics at this election caused 
much dissatisfaction among its members, and the order soon 
began to lose power, and in a year or two went down almost 
as fast as it had risen. 

219. Charles H. Hardin was born in Kentucky in 
1820, but came with his parents to ^Missouri when a mere 
infant. He was reared to manhood in Columbia, and enjoyed 
the advantages of good schools. He afterwards graduated 
with the degree of A. B. from Miami University, in Ohio. He 
returned to Missouri, studied law, located at Fulton, rapidly 
rose in his profession, and soon became known as a laborious, 
painstaking lawyer. In 1848 he became prosecuting attorney 
for the third judicial circuit, which embraced several coun- 
ties. In 1852, 1854, and 1858 he represented Callaway county 
in the Legislature as a Whig, and in 1855 was one of the com- 
mittee of three which revised all the statutes of the State and 
codified them in book form. In i860 he was elected to the 



548 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



State Senate, and was the author of the resolution creating 
the convention to which was referred the question of secession. 

He attended the called meet- 
ing of the Legislature held 
at Neosho in October, 1861, 
and was the only member 
who voted against secession. 
He remained unalterable in 
his allegiance to the Union 
during the war, but took no 
active part in the troubles of 
those times. In 1872 he was 
again elected to the Senate 
and maintained his former 
reputation for laborious and 
^ conscientious work. In 1874 
he was elected Governor, and 
c. H. HARDIN. j^-g administration was one 

of the most honorable in the entire history of the State. 
In 1873 a college for the education of girls was projected at 
Mexico, at which place he had lived since 1861, and named 
Hardin College in his honor. From his munificent hand it 
had received many thousand dollars up to the time of his death 
in 1892. 

220. Locusts. — In 1874 an3 in 1875 all the country 
west of Missouri, even to and beyond the Rocky Mountains, 
was plagued by a devouring insect. Governor Hardin, in his 
message, called them the Rocky Mountain locusts, but the 
people usually referred to them as Kansas grasshoppers. They 
were about two inches long and looked very much like the 
ordinary grasshopper that has always been seen in this State, 




GOVERNORS WOODSON AND HARDIN. 549 

except their legs were of a reddish color, and parts of their 
bodies, wings and head were more or less reddish, also. They 
came down from the mountains in 1874, filling and almost 
darkening the heavens by their great nmnber. They quickly 
overran Colorado, then came on through Kansas, and late in 
the summer invaded Missouri. In Colorado and parts of 
Kansas they ate up every green thing, taking every live blade 
of grass and every leaf on tree and bush and flower and 
vegetable. They entered a few counties of Missouri, but in 1874 
they came after most of the crops had matured, and hence 
did not do so much damage. They deposited their eggs, how- 
ever, and as it became warm next year these hatched out in 
great numbers. The people fought them before they were 
able to fly, and thus greatly mitigated the pest. The most 
effective way was by digging ditches, putting in a few inches 
of straw, then driving the locusts into the ditch and burning 
the straw. Yet, in spite of all of these efforts, they overran 
several counties along the western border of the State. The' 
first months of 1875 were dark days for these counties. Their 
wheat and meadows were destroyed by the locusts. They 
planted their corn, but it was devoured as fast as it came up. 
Again they would plant it, thinking that the insects would 
leave as soon as they became able to fly, and again it was de- 
voured. Governor Hardin proclaimed that June 3, 1875, 
should be observed as a day of *' fasting, thanksgiving and 
prayer," for Divine deliverance from the vexatious plague. 
The proclamation was generally observed, especially in that 
part of the State where the danger seemed most imminent. 
But throughout the State the people responded liberally with 
money and provisions for the sufferers. About this time, in 
fact on the very next day, heavy rains set in. Up to that time 



550 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

the long continued drought had not abated in western Missouri, 
though shght rains had fallen in the spring months of 1875, 
but now they became heavy and frequent. This was regarded 
as a forerunner of deliverance. It was. The locusts began to 
move about June 11, but a strong southwest wind drove them 
further into the interior of the State, but in a day or two the 
wind shifted to the east, and by the fifteenth the locusts were 
all gone. The next year they came again, but did little dam- 
age, and since that time have not appeared. The citizens of 
these counties began at once to retrieve the loss. They planted 
their crops again, and, the season being very favorable from 
that time on, the yield was bountiful. All over the State the 
crops were prodigious in 1875, and this fact served largely to 
alleviate the business depression of the two previous years. 

221. The New Constitution. — The people did not be- 
come any nearer satisfied with the Drake Constitution as 
they more thoroughly adjusted themselves to re-established 
peace. They felt it was out of harmony with the spirit of 
the age. At the election 'of 1874 a convention tO' frame a 
new constitution was voted for. Sixty-eight delegates, two 
from each senatorial district, were elected thereto on January 
6, 1875. They were able men, of great personal worth and 
wisdom. Sixty of them were Democrats, six Republicans and 
two Liberals. They met in the Capitol May 15, 1875. Waldo 
P. Johnson was elected President, and Nathaniel W. Watkins 
vice-president. A thorough revision of the entire organic 
law of the State was made. Some of the provisions at the 
time were thought to be radical, but so far they have worked 
no hardship, and the people seem as well satisfied with the 
Constitution as an intelligent people ever did with any law. 



GOVERNORS WOODSON AND HARDIN. 55 1 

In fact, all persons look to it as a strong tower of defense, 
and a promoter of prosperity, peace and order. 

222. Three Marked Features.— Only three of its pro- 
visions will here be spoken of. (i) It prohibited the Leg- 
islature from imposing a debt upon the State in any amount 
above two hundred and fifty thousand dollars for any one 
year, unless two-thirds of the voters at an electron should au- 
thorize it to do so, and did not permit towns and counties to 
issue bonds for any purpose except for the erection of public 
improvements. This was done to put a stop to the wasteful, 
and sometimes wicked issue of bonds for building railroads. 
(2) Another feature of this Constitution was the restrictions 
it put upon the Legislature, county courts, cities and school 
districts to tax the people. All these have been discussed in 
the proper chapters of the Civil Government of Missouri. Un- 
der such a Constitution no more great railroad debts like those 
we have considered can be contracted. (3) Its other marked 
feature was the thoughtful provisions in reference to public 
schools. Under the liberal laws it permitted the Legislature 
to make, Missouri now outranks almost every State in the 
Union in the amount of her school funds, and spends about 
ten million dollars every year for education. The other 
provisi'ons can not be presented, but, at the final vote in the 
Convention on its adoption, not a vote was recorded against 
it, and on the thirtieth of October it was adopted by the people, 
there being ninety-one thousand votes for it and fourteen 
thousand and five hundred against it. It went into opera- 
tion November 30, 1875, and has since been the supreme law 
of the State government. 

223. Terms of Office. — By the new Constitution, the 
term of the Governor and of nearly all other State and tmny 



552 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

county officers was lengthened from two to four years, and 
it was provided that the Governor and Treasurer could not 
be re-elected as their own successors. It was thought the 
Governor would choose men because of their special fitness 
rather than for their political influence in making his appoint- 
ments, if not permitted to succeed himself. As the Treasurer 
handles the State's money, it was considered it would be less 
liable to be purloined if frequent changes were made in the 
officers, and for the same reason county treasurers and sheriffs 
are not permitted to serve continuously longer than four 
years, but almost all other officers are eligible to re-election 
for any number of terms. 

224. The Election of 1876.— At the election in 1876 
the Democratic and Republican parties each nominated strong 
and talented men for Governor, John S. Phelps of Greene and 
G. A. Finkelnburg of St. Louis. The issues in the campaign 
that followed were largely national. The Democratic majority 
was fifty-two thousand, and Phelps was inaugurated Governor 
January 8. 

Questions on Chapter XXI. 

1. Recite some of the incidents in the life of Silas Wood- 
son. (215) 

2. What is said about the business depressions during his 
term? (216) 

3- How did he and the Legislature meet this condition? (216) 

4. What is said of the Grange? (217) 

5. To what were the financial troubles of these years partly- 
due? (217) 

6. What action did the political parties take at the election 
in 1874? (218) 

7. Give a sketch of the life of Charles H. Hardin. (219) 

8. What is said about locusts? (220) 

9. What efforts were made towards securing a new Consti' 
tution? (221) 



FROM 1877 TO 1892. 



553 



10. Mention its first marked feature. (222) 

11. And the second. (222) 

12. And the third. (222) 

13. How was it adopted? (222) 

14. What was the vote for and against it? (222) 

15. What changes did it make in the terms of offices? (223) 

16. Who were the candidates for Governor in 1876? (224) 

17. Who was elected and with what majorit}^? (224) 



CHAPTER XXII. 



FROM 1877 TO 1892. 



225. John S. Phelps. — John S. Phelps was born in 
Connecticut, December 22, 1814. His father, Elisha Phelps, 
was a lawyer of prominence in that State and served also as 
a member of the Legislature, 
and in other State offices, and 
three terms in Congress. His 
grandfather was a gallant and 
brave officer in the Revolu- 
tionary War. He received a 
classical education, studied law 
and was admitted to the bar 
in his native State. In 1837 
he came to Missouri and set- 
tled at Springfield. Under the 
laws of the State then he must 
needs obtain a new license be- 
fore he could practice law in 
Missouri, and that, too, from john s. phelps. 




554 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

the chief justice of the Supreme Court. Phelps made the 
journey to Jefferson City on horseback, and on arrival learned 
that Judge Thompkins was some distance in the country at a 
sawmill. There the judge was found and the examination 
had, the applicant sitting on a log, and the hard knotty ques- 
tions, hard like the logs around them, were plied by the learned 
judge. The license was written on a leaf torn from an old 
blue ledger, and from this unique circumstance young Phelps 
turned away to become one of the most prominent and in- 
fluential men in the State's history for the next forty years. 
He soon became noted in southwest Missouri as a great 
lawyer, and in 1840 was elected to the Legislature as a Demo- 
crat. In 1844 he was elected to Congress, and was a member 
of that body continuously till 1862. At that time the most 
important committee of the House was the committee of Ways 
and Means, and of this Mr. Phelps was eight years chairman. 
When the war came on he sided with the Union, and did much 
toward aiding General Lyon in his efforts to grasp the State 
from the hands of Governor Jackson. In 1861 he organized 
''Phelp's Regiment," was its colonel for several months, and, 
at the battle of Pea Ridge, commanded it in person and 
saw it suffer a loss of thirty per cent of its men. In 1862 he 
was military Governor of Arkansas. In 1863 ^^ resumed the 
practice of law at Springfield. He was frequently put forward 
during the next few years for United States Senator as a 
Union Democrat, but always defeated. In 1868 he was the 
Democratic candidate for Governor, and was elected in 1876, 
served for four years, and filled the office with creditable honor 
and wisdom. So well satisfied were the people with his admin- 
istration that he doubtless would have been elected again had 



FROM 1877 TO' 1892. 



555 



not the Constitution adopted in 1875 made it impossible for 
him to succeed himself. He died in St. Louis in 1886. 

226. Senators. — In 1875 Francis M. Cockrell was 
elected as a Democrat to represent Missouri in the United 
States Senate, and was re-elected in 1881, 1887, 1893 and 
1899. He served the people as Senator for just thirty years, 
but in March, 1905, was defeated by William Warner, a Re- 
publican. In 1879 George G. Vest was elected as the other 
United States Senator, and continued to serve for twenty- four 
years. At the close of his fourth term, in 1903, he declined re- 
election, and William J. Stone, a Democrat, was chosen as 
his successor. 

227. Governor Crittenden. — Thomas T. Crittenden 
was elected Governor in 1880. The Republican candidate 
was D. P. Dyer of St. Louis. Mr. Crittenden was born in 
Kentucky in 1832, and reared at Cloverport on the O'hio 
river. His primary education was in the log-cabin school- 
house of that time, but in 
1852 he entered Centre 
College, in that State, and 
was graduated therefrom 
in 1855. He studied law 
with his uncle, the great J. 
J. Crittenden, and came to 
Missouri and settled at 
Lexington. In 1862 he en- 
rolled in the State militia, 
was made lieutenant-colo- 
nel and served till the close 
of the war. He then re- 
sumed the practice of law 
at Warrensburg as a part- thos. t. Crittenden. 




55^ HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

ner of General F. M. Cockrell. He became a leader In the 
liberal movement for equality of citizenship, peace, fraternity 
and good will, and boldly advanced these ideas in a brilliant 
canvass of a great part of the State. In 1872 he was elected 
to Congress, and again in 1876. His administration is remem- 
bered mostly for the breaking up of the James .Boys band of 
outlaws and murderers, the most terrible set of train and bank 
robbers in all Western history, and also for a settlement of the 
Hannibal and St. Joseph railroad debt. The State had, in 
1 85 1 and 1855, issued its bonds to the amount of $3,000,000 
to aid in building that road. During this administration, after 
a great number of lawsuits, the road paid the debt with interest. 

228. The Election of 1884. — ^There were three candi- 
dates for Governor in 1884. The Democrats nominated John 
S. Marmaduke ; the Republicans, Nicholas Ford . of Andrew 
county; and the Prohibitionists, John A. Brooks 'of Kansas 
City. Neither Marmaduke nor Ford had any ability as public 
speakers, and neither had ever been extensively or conspicu- 
ously identified with political contests; consequently, the 
campaign was largely overshadowed by the National contest 
for the Presidency between Blaine and Cleveland. The Pro- 
hibitionists, however, made a more energetic campaign and 
polled more votes than ever before or since. Marmaduke was 
elected. The principal features of his administration were the 
Local Option law and the legislation regulating railroads. For 
some time public sentiment had been growing against the 
grasping power and extortionate greed of railroads. An 
effort was made in the Legislature of 1887 to give relief, but 



FROM 1877 TO 1892. 



557 




without success, and an ad- 
journment was had, leaving 
the matter entirely unset- 
tled, much to the regret of 
the Governor and a large 
part of the people. There- 
upon he called an extra 
session to consider this 
question. After an ani- 
mated session, prolonged 
through several weeks, a 
law was passed forbidding 
railroads to pool with each y 
other in keeping - up the 
price of traffic, also forbid- 
ding them from charging JOHN s. marmaduke. 
higher rates for short distances than for longer ones over the 
same road and to the same market, also from charging small 
shippers higher rates per car than large ones. The law satis- 
fied the public demands for a few years and as time goes on 
seems to be much more efficient than was at first supposed. 

229. The Local Option Law. — The Local Option Law 
was enacted in 1887 in the interest of temperance. It gave 
to each town of 2,500 population the right to decide, by a 
majority vote, whether or not intoxicating liquors should be 
sold therein as a beverage and to all the rest of the county, 
except such towns, the same privilege. Under this law nearly 
all of the principal towns and a majority of the counties held 
elections. In a majority of them the vote was against the sell- 
ing of liquors, but in nearly every one of these cases the elec- 



558 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



tion was declared invalid because proper notice was not given 
in the newspapers, or because it was not otherwise legally 
ordered or held. The whole State was alive with these elec- 
tions in 1887 ^^^ 1888, and then for a few years public inter- 
est in them declined, but lately has much revived. 

230. Governor Marmaduke. — John Sappington ]\Iar- 
maduke was born in Saline county, in 1833, being a son of 
M. M. Marmaduke, w'ho became Governor on the death of 
Thomas Reynolds in 1844. He was reared on the farm, entered 
Yale College at the age of seventeen and West Point Mili- 
tary Academy at the age 



of twenty, from which he 
w^as graduated in 1857, 
and was assigned to duty 
in Utah as an officer in the 
regular army under the 
renowned Albert Sidney 
Johnston. When civil war 
broke in mad fury over 
the land, he resigned 
from the United States 
army, organized a com- 
pany of State Guards and 
joined Governor Jackson 
at Boonville. Contrary 
to his advice,' Governor 




A. r. MOREHOUSE. 

Jackson, who was his uncle by marriage, ordered him to give 
battle to General Lyon at that place. He obeyed the order, led 
his little army to certain defeat in face of Lyon's stalwart 
troops, then quickly resigned from the State Guard, proceeded 



FROM 1877 TO 1892. 559 

to Richmond and tendered his sword to the Confederacy, and 
then went off to the war. He became a colonel in Albert Sid- 
ney Johnston's army, and, for gallant conduct at the battle of 
Shiloh, was breveted brigadier-general on the field. He sub- 
sequently took part in the war in Missouri and Arkansas. 
When the war was over he became a commission merchant in 
St. Louis. Afterwards he became interested in journalism and 
became owner of a farmers' paper called the Journal of Agri- 
culture. In 1876 he was elected Railroad Commissioner, and 
in 1884 Governor, and served just three years, till December 
28, 1887, on which day he died. Albert P. Morehouse, the 
Lieutenant-Governor, immediately succeeded to the office and 
held it for one year. Mr. Morehouse was a native of Ohio, 
who came to Missouri in 1856, and after teaching school for 
a time became a lawyer, and rose to eminence in northwest 
Missouri as a citizen. He served several terms in the Legis- 
lature and died in September, 1891. 

23L The Election of 1888.— At the election of 1888 
the Democratic candidate for Governor was David R. Francis 
of St. Louis, and the Republican was E. E. Kimball of Nevada. 
Francis was elected, and Stephen Claycomb, of Jasper county, 
was chosen Lieutenant-Governor. 

232. David Rowland Francis was born in Kentucky 
in 1850, and moved with his parents to St. Louis in 1866, 
where for four years he attended Washington University, 
graduating with the degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1870. His 
expenses while at college were defrayed partly by money he 
had earned as a newsboy in Richmond, Kentucky, during the 
war, from 1861 to 1864. To complete his education he incurred 
a debt of several hundred dollars, which he repaid out of the 



56o 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



first money earned after graduation. In 1870 he entered upon 
successful commercial pursuits, which he has continued to the 
present time. In March, 1885, he was elected Mayor of St. 
Louis, and in November, 1888, was elected Governor, and 
inaugurated January 14, 1889. In 1896 he was called to the 
Cabinet by President Cleveland, as Secretary of the Interior, 

and served the country as 
the head of the Interior 
Department about s i x 
months. During his ad- 
ministration as Gov- 
ernor the State Treasurer 
became a defaulter in the 
sum of about thirty-two 
thousand dollars. The 
Governor promptly re- 
moved him from ofifice, 
his bondsmen without suit 
made good the amount 
embezzled, and the de- 
faulting ofificer was prose- 
DAViD R. FRANCIS. cutcd and sent to the peni- 

tentiary. Lon V. Stephens, who afterwards was Governor, 
was appointed State Treasurer to fill the vacancy. 




Qustions on Chapter XXII. 

I. Give a sketch 'of the life of John S. Phelps. (225) 



Who were elected Senators in 1875 and 1879? (226) 
Who were the candidates for Governor in 1880? (227) 
Give a sketch of Governor Crittenden's life. (227) 
For what is his administration most remembered? (227) 
Who were the candidates for Governor in 1884? (228) 



FROM 1892 TO THE PRESENT TIME. 56I 

7. What is said about the campaign? (228) 

8. What were the principal features of Marmaduke's admin- 
istration? (228) 

9. What is said about legislation rgulating railroads? (228) 

10. What is said of the Local Option Law? (229) 

11. Give a sketch of the life of John S. Marmaduke. (230) 

12. How long did he serve as Governor? (230) 

13. Who succeeded him? (230) 

14. What is said of Governor Morehouse? (230) 

15. What is said of the election of 1888? (231) 

16. Give a sketch of the life of Mr. Francis. (232) 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

FROM 1892 TO THE PRESENT TIME. 

233. The Election of 1892.— In 1892 the Republican 
party nominated Major William Warner of Kansas City as 
its candidate for Governor, and the Democrats nominated Wil- 
liam J. Stone of Nevada. Both candidates were exceedingly 
able speakers and the campaign that followed was one of the 
most active ever known in the State. The main issue of the 
contest was the proper system of taxation by the Federal Gov- 
ernment — whether there should be a tariff for protection or 
tariff for revenue only. In this campaign Leverett Leonard 
of Saline county was a candidate of the new Populist or 
People's party for the office of Governor. At the polls Major 
Warner received 235,383 votes, Mr. Stone 265,044, Mr. 
Leonard 37,262. There were also 3,393 votes cast for John 
Sobieski, the Prohibition candidate. Mr. Stone received 29,- 
661 more votes than did Major Warner, and was elected. 

36 



562 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



234. William J. Stone. — William Joel Stone was born 
near Richmond in Madison county, Kentucky, in 1848, his 
ancestors having come to that State from Virginia. He was 
reared on his father's farm 
and attended the neighbor- 
hood schools and the semi- 
nary at Richmond. In 1863 
he came to Missouri and 
was educated at the State 
University at Columbia. In 
1869 he was admitted to 
the bar, served as city at- 
torney of Columbia for a 
few months and in 1870 
removed to Nevada, and 
soon became one of the 
most prominent citizens 
and lawyers of southwest 
Missouri. In 1884 he was 
elected to Congress and 
served in the House of 

Representatives for six years. While a member of that body the 
tenacious contest arose in Congress over the forfeiture of the 
immense land grants made to Western and Southern railroads 
between 1862 and 1868. Mr. Stone contended that these lands 
ought to be restored to the public domain for the reason that 
the railroads had not complied with the terms of the grants. 
He became a leader on the side of those urging that the grants 
be forfeited, and as a result of this movement about sixty 
million acres were restored to the Government while he was 
a member of Congress. In 1892 he became Governor, and 




WILLIAM J. STONE. 



FROM 1892 TO THE PRESENT TIME. 563 

during his term led In the organization of the Democratic 
party of the State in behalf of the free and unlimited coinage 
of silver. At the close of his term as Governor, he engaged 
in the practice of the law at St. Louis, and In 1903 was elected 
a Senator in Congress by the Missouri General Assembly. 

235. Decrease In Revenues. — In 1892 the valuation 
of all property in the State, as ascertained by the assessments 
made by the county assessors and the changes made by the 
State Board of Equalization in equalizing those assessments, 
slightly exceeded the sum of nine hundred million dollars. 
Up to that time since the adoption of the Constitution of 1875 
the rate of taxation for State purposes had been twenty cents 
on the hundred dollars valuation. But by the Constitution 
when the entire valuation exceeds nine hundred millions, this 
rate must not exceed fifteen cents on each hundred dollars 
worth of property. Hence, it may be seen that the revenues 
of the State were much less for the next few years than they 
had been for sometime prior to 1893. Nevertheless the State 
government was not impaired nor greatly embarrassed by this 
sudden change. By proper economy it was able to appropriate 
one-third of its revenue to the public schools, and besides built 
the main edifice to the State University, whose buildings had 
been burned in 1892, and made additions to about half of the 
educational and eleemosynary institutions of the State, and 
paid all claims against the Treasury when presented. 

236. Cyclones. — In late years destructive storms, pop- 
ularly called cyclones or tornadoes, have occurred in the West, 
and in most States in the Upper Mississippi valley. They 
have occurred in various parts of Missouri, but 'only the four 
that were most destructive of life and property will be men- 



564 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

tioned. In 1878 a violent storm swept down on Richmond, 
in Ray county, killing more than a score of people, and de- 
stroying many houses. Another, equally destructive of life 
and property, overtook the town of Marshfield, in Webster 
county, in 1880. Another still more destructive fell upon 
the town of Kirksville in 1899. But the worst cyclone per- 
haps ever known in the West, was the one which came down 
on St. Louis late in the afternoon of May 2y, 1896. It came 
from a southwesterly direction, and mowed a wide way for 
itself through the city. Churches, residences, factories, parks, 
buildings of every kind were destroyed. It caused the death 
of two hundred and twenty people in the city, twelve boats 
on the river were lost, eight thousand, three hundred houses 
were either destroyed or badly damaged, and parts of the 
great railroad bridge over the Mississippi were blown down. 
But wherever these storms have occurred, the survivors have 
soon set aside their fears, gathered their energies together 
again and repaired the loss of property. The number of 
deaths in the whole State caused by them is far less than that 
caused by a disease of ordinary virulence, and the value of 
the property destroyed is not to be compared to that con- 
sumed by fire; and, beyond question, many people have per- 
mitted themselves to unnecessarily exaggerate their danger. 

237. Election of iSgG.—For the election of 1896 the 
Democrats nominated Lon V. Stephens, of Boonville, for Gov- 
ernor, and the Republicans nominated Robert E. Lewis of 
Clinton. The Populists nominated Orville D. Jones of Edina, 
but in a month or two after his nomination Judge Jones with- 
drew in favor of Mr. Stephens. The campaign was a stirring 
one from the beginning. Mr. Stephens was elected, receiving 
43>233 rnore votes than Mr. Lewis. 



FROM 1892 TO THE PRESENT TIME. 



565 




238. Governor Stephens. — Lon V. Stephens was born 
in Boonville, Missouri, December 21, 1858, being a son of 
the well-known Joseph L. 
Stephens, who for many 
years was one of the most 
prominent business men of 
the State, and himself a can- 
didate for the Democratic 
nomination for Governor in 
1872. He was prepared 
for college in the famous 
Kemper Family School of 
Boonville, and was then 
sent to Washington and 
Lee University at Lexing- 
ton, Virginia. After mak- lon v. Stephens. 
ing a tour of Europe, he became identified with his father's 
bank in Boonville, serving as bookkeeper, cashier, and direc- 
tor, and here received the training which soon made him 
conspicuous among the younger business men of Missouri. 
In 1887 he was made receiver of the Fifth National Bank of 
St. Louis, which had become bankrupt, and so successfully 
wound up its aflfairs as to attract the attention of the State. 
In March, 1890, he was appointed State Treasurer to fill out 
the term of Mr. Noland who had been removed, and in 1892 
elected to the same position for a term of four years. While 
in this office he became identified with those who were urging 
the cause of the free and unlimited coinage of silver, which 
had gained control of the Democratic party in Missouri, and 
at the State convention was nominated for Governor by accla- 
mation, and elected to that office in November. 



566 HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

239. Strikes. — During Governor Stone's term there 
was a strike among the coal miners throughout the country, 
which was accompanied with violence in many States. The 
militia was called out in Ohio, Kansas, Tennessee and other 
States to restore order. A strong effort was made to involve 
the miners of Missouri in this strike; hut because of the 
prompt and wise action taken by the administration, assisted 
by employers and leaders among the miners, all trouble here 
was averted. 

About the first of July, 1894, a strike by the employees of 
railroads extended over a great part of the country. Traffic 
was interrupted, commerce greatly impeded, and in some 
places there was violence, bloodshed and destruction of prop- 
erty. But happily in Missouri traffic was not materially inter- 
rupted except on three railroads, and on these the trouble con- 
tinued for only three or four days ; nor was there any exten- 
sive destruction of property or bloodshed. 

But in 1900, during the administration of Governor 
Stephens, there was a strike among the employees 'of the street 
railways in St. Louis, which lasted for six weeks. It involved 
about four-fifths of all the railways in the city, and was at- 
tended with some violence and resulted in much loss of busi- 
ness. In fact, business almost ceased, both within the city, 
and in the wide extent of country of which it is the metrop- 
olis. The police forced the cars to run, but did not give 
such protection as made it safe for citizens to ride on them. 
The Mayor and Municipal Assembly seemed indifferent, and 
made no real effort to restore order. The Governor was ap- 
pealed to by a large number of citizens to call out the militia 
to put down the rioters. He replied that he would not do so 



FROM 1892 TO THE PRESENT TIME. 567 

because there was no money on hand with which to pay their 
expenses, and because he was not convinced that the sheriff 
had tried to use the posse comitatus to suppress disorder, and 
directed the sheriff to do that at once. Then the sheriff sum- 
moned hundreds of the most prominent and substantial citi- 
zens in the city to aid him. They surprisingly responded 
with alacrity. They took their guns and went forth to re- 
store order, and order was soon restored. The rioters ceased 
to destroy property, throw stones at cars, insult passengers, or 
do other violence. Then the strike wore itself out. A few 
of the most lawless among the rioters were tried for crim- 
inally destroying the tracks and blowing up cars on which 
were passengers, convicted, and sent to the penitentiary. 

240. Election of 1900. — In 1900 the Democratic party 
nominated Alexander M. Dockery of Gallatin as its candidate 
for Governor, and the Republicans nominated Joseph Flory 
of St. Louis. Five or six other small parties also put for- 
ward candidates, but the issue was between the Democrats 
and the Republicans. Mr. Dockery was elected by a plurality 
of 32,147 over Mr. Flory. 

241. Governor Dockery. — Alexander Monroe Dockery 
was born in Daviess county, February 11, 1845. He was 
educated at the common schools, and in the Macon Academy, 
and graduated from the best medical colleges in St. Louis 
and New York, and practiced medicine until 1874, in Lin- 
neus and Chillicothe. In 1874 he assisted in organizing a 
bank at Gallatin and for eight years was its cashier. It 
was during that period that his unusual business ability first 
manifested itself. In 1882 he was elected to Congress as a 



568 



HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



Democrat, and was a member of the House of Representatives 

for sixteen years, where he 
took high rank, and was the 
author of some legislation 
which has become a fixed 
part of the Government's 
affairs, such as the law pro- 
viding for special letter de- 
livery at all postoffices and 
of the law extending free 
delivery of mails to small 
cities. In 1899 he volun- 
tarily retired from Congress 
to become a candidate for 
Governor. He was elected 
and inaugurated January 

A. M. DOCKERY. 1 4, I9OI. 

242. Election of 1904. — With the exception of the un- 
important election of 1894, the Democrats had carried the 
State at ever_y election since the right to vote had been re- 
stored to all male citizens twenty-one years of age in 1870. 
But in 1904 the Democratic party was torn to pieces by in- 
ternal dissensions. The campaign leading up to the State con- 
vention was intensely bitter. It resulted in the nomination of 
Joseph W. Folk of St. Louis. The Republicans nominated 
Cyrus P. Walbridge of the same city. Mr. Folk was elected, 
but otherwise the Republicans almost completely swept the 
State. They elected the other six State officers, a majority 
of the Circuit Judges and Representatives in Congress, and 
obtained a large majority In the House of Representatives of 
the General Assembly, and that assembly elected a Republican 




FROM 1892 TO THE PRESENT TIME. 



56) 



to the United States Senate, and they carried not only the 
three large cities of St. Louis, Kansas City and St. Joseph, 
but a majority of the counties, and the Republican candidate 
for President also carried the State by a large plurality. But 
in the election of 1906, when the bitterness in the Democratic 
party had somewhat abated, that party again carried the State 
by small majorities. Their State ticket was successful, they 
elected their candidates for county ofifices in a majority of 
the counties, and had a large majority in both houses of the 
General Assembly of 1907. 

243. Governor Folk. — Joseph W. Folk was born in 
Brownville, Tennessee, October 28, i860; he was educated in 
the common schools, and 
took a law course at Vander- 
bilt University, at Nashville. 
He came to Missouri in 
1 89 1, and in 1900 was elect- 
ed Circuit Attorney of St. 
Louis, and soon after enter- 
ing into ofifice began the 
prosecution of members of 
the Municipal Assembly who 
had been guilty of bribery. 
A large number of them 
were indicted, and some of 
them convicted and sent to Joseph w. folk. 

the penitentiary. In 1904 he was elected Governor by a plu- 
rality of 30,100. The entire vote in the State was 643,969, 
which was 40,225 less than it had been four years before. 
Mr. Folk was the vouncrest man ever elected Governor of Mis- 




57^ HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 

souri, being at the time of his election only a little over thirty- 
five years of age — and no man can become Governor until he 
reaches thirty-five years of age. 

244. Conclusion. — The census of 1900 gave the popu- 
lation of the State as 3,106,665. This had been an increase of 
over four hundred per cent in fifty years, or from 682,000 in 
1850. The area of the State is 68,735 square miles, or about 
forty-four million acres. There are nearly eight thousand 
miles of railroad, and the taxable wealth of the State is con- 
siderably over one billion dollars. The territory is well sup- 
plied with rivers, and the annual rainfall is large. There are 
lead, iron and zinc in untold quantities. A large part of the 
State is underlaid with excellent coal, and these beds are to 
be found in ready access to each county. Numerous other 
mineral products are found in large quantities and of excel- 
lent quality. The State is so rich in everything that contrib- 
utes to the comforts of man that it could be made to supply 
the wants of twenty-five millions of people. There is a strong 
central university at Columbia, and two others in St. Louis, 
namely, Washington University and the St. Louis University. 
There are not less than one hundred and fifty colleges, acade- 
mies and seminaries; the strongest colleges being William 
Jewell at Liberty, Central at Fayette, Westminster at Fulton, 
Drury at Springfield, Central College for young ladies at Lex- 
ington, Stephens and Christian at Columbia, Park at Park- 
ville, Hardin at Mexico and Missouri Valley at Marshall, and 
for the education of teachers there are the five State Normals 
at Warrensburg, Cape Girardeau, Kirksville, Springfield and 
Maryville. There are schools for the education of physicians 
and lawyers, also commercial schools. Besides, there are many 
high schools in the larger towns, and over ten thousand public 



FROM 1892 TO THE PRESENT TIME. 5/1 

and private schools. The inhabitants of [Missouri have al- 
ways been a religious people, and in every county and town, 
and in almost every township, there are faithful men of God 
proclaiming the Gospel. The leading religious denominations 
are Baptist, ]\Iethodist, Catholic, Presbyterian, Christian, 
Episcopalian, Lutheran and Congregationalist. 

Questions on Chapter XXIII. 

1. Who were the candidates for Governor in 1892? (233) 

2. What is said of the campaign? (233) 

3. Who was elected? (233) 

4. Give a sketch of the life of William J. Stone. (234) 

5. What is said about the valuation of property in 1892? (235) 

6. W^hat is said of cyclones? (236) 

7. Who was elected Governor in 1896? (2^7) 

8. W'hat is said about the strike among railroad emploj-ees 
in 1894. (239) 

9. What is said of the street railway strike in St. Louis and 
of the way it was suppressed? (239) 

10. Who was elected Governor in 1900 and by how much? (240) 

11. What party carried the State in 1904? In 1906? (242) 

12. What is said in conclusion? (244) 



INDEX TO HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



(The references are to the mentions.) 



Alabama, 55. 

Armed Neutrality, 143. 144, 152, 
Array, Price's, 175, 176. 
Arsenal : 

at St. Louis, 156. 

at Liberty, 159. 
Ashlev, William H., 71, 79. 
Atchison, David R., 82, 124, 147. 

Barton. David. 59, 66. 
Bates, Frederick, 71, 72. 
Battle : 

Boonville, 171. 

Carthage, 173. 

Wilsons Creek. 177. 

Pea Ridge, 1S4. 

Lexington. 181. 
Bay, Judge, 201. 
Bent, Charles. 102. 
Benton. 66, 67, 98, 113, 114, 117, 

124. 
Bills of Credit, 50. 
Bingham. George C, 189, 
Black Guard. 162. 
Blair, Francis P., 102, 149, 157, 161, 

167. 202. 
Blue Lodges. 129. 
Boggs, Lilburn W.. 83, 84, 91. 
Boone. Daniel, 39. 
Boonville. 169, 171. 172. 
Bracito, Battle of, 103. 
Broadhead. .James O., 149, 203. 
Brooks. .Tohn A., 228. 
Brown, B. Gratz. 149, 203, 209. 
Brown, John, 132. 
Bull, .John, 79. 
Burnt District, 189. 
Burr, 31. 
Business Depressions, 50, 216. 

Camp .Tackson, 161, 162, 163. 

Capital, 75. 

Carthage.. Battle of, 173. 

Chihuahua, 104. 

Cholera. 81. 

Clark, George Rogers, 19. 

Clark, .Tohn B.. 89, 93, 164, 169, 173, 

177. 182. 
Clark. John B., .Jr., 190. 
Clark. William. 41. 
Claycomb, Stephen, 231. 
Cockrell, F. M., 212, 226. 
Colraan. Norman J., 218. 
Comnromise : 

Missouri, 58, 127. * 

Clav, 62. 
Conditional Union Men, 148. 



Confederacy, 185, 187. 
Congressional Delegates. 41. 
Congressmen, 68, 79, 98. 
Constitution : 

first, 59. 

second, 195. 

third. 221. 
Constitution 1875, 222. 
Convention of 1861, 146, 151, 152. 

154, 180. 198. 
Cowskin Prairie, 175. 
Crittenden, T. T., 188. 227. 
Cummings, Rev J. A., 202, 203. 
Cyclones, 236. 



Debt, imprisonment for, 96. 


Democrats, 93. 


DeSoto, 


1, 2. 


DeWitt, 


88. 


Discoveries, 1. 2, 3, 4. 5. 


Dockery 


, Alexander M., 240. 241. 


Doniphan, Alexander W., 82, 89, 


101. 164. 


Doniphan's Expedition, 101. 


Drake ( 


I'onstitution. 195. 


Draconian Code, 197. 202. 


Dryden, 


Judge, 201. 


Duels. 67, 73. 


Dunklin 


, Daniel, 79. 80. 


Dyer, E 


. P. 227. 


Earthquakes, 35. 36. 


Edwards, John C, 98, 99. 


Elections : 


1820 


64. 


1824 


71. 


1828 


76. 


1832 


79. 


1836 


83. 


1840 


93. 


1844 


98. 


1848 


109. 


1852 


118. 


1856 


124. 


1860 


140, 141. 


1864 


194. 


1868 


204. 


1870 


207. 


1872 


214. 


1874 


218. 


1876 


224 


1880 


227. 


1884 


228. 


1888 


231. 


1892 


233. 


1896 


237. 


1900 


240. 



Elkhora, Battle, 184. 



(0 



II 



INDEX TO HISTORY OF MISSOURI. 



Emigration Aid Companies, 128. 
Engagements, number of, 191. 
Englisli Settlements, 38. 
Ewing, Robert C, 124. 
Expedition, Doniplian's, 101. 
Expeditions : 

Lewis and Clark, 33. 

Pilje's, 34. 
Far West, 87. 
Fire, St. Louis, 110. 
Fires, I'rairie, 78. 
First Settlement, 8, 38. 
Finiielnburg, G. A., 224. 
First White ]SIan, 1. 
Fletclier, Thomas C, 194. 
Flory, Joseph, 240. 
Fort Orleans, 7. 
Francis, David R., 231, 232. 
Franklin, 42. 
Free Negroes, 60, 63. 
French Explorations. 2, 3. 
Frost, D. M., 134, 156, IGl. 102. 
Fugitive Slave Law, 133. 130. 
Fur Trade, 9, 46. 

Gamble, Hamilton R., 148, 152, 193, 

198. 
Gentry, William, 218. 
Geyer, Henry S., 13 7. 
Germans, 136, 140, 162. 
Glasgow, Battle of. 190. 
Glover, Samuel T., 149, 203. 
Grange, The, 217. 
Gravelly, J. J., 207. 
Green, James S.. 124, 147, 155. 
Guitar, Odon, 186. 
Gunn City Tragedy, 213. 

Halleck, General, 183. 

Hall. Willard P., 102, 180, 193, 203. 

Hall, William A., 148, 153. 

Hard Money, 92. 

Hardin, Charles H., 218, 219. 

Hards and Softs, 98. 

Harney. General, 134, 156, 160, 165, 

166. 
Hempstead, 41. 

Henderson, John B., 151, 153, 214. 
Hindes, Samuel, 133, 134. 
Hinkle, Col. G. W., 88, 89, 90. 
Houses, 16, 46. 
Howard County, 38, 43. 
Howard, Governor, 40. 

Immigrants, 32, 38, 42, 44. 

Imprisonment for debt, 96. 

Independence, 86. 

Indians, 21. 

Internal Improvements, 120, 121. 

Iowa Line, 111, 112. 

Jackson. Claiborne F., 113, 141, 144, 
147, 153, 16.3, 164, 167, 168, 
173, ISO. 182. 

Jackson, Congreve, 88. 

Jackson, Hancock, 124. 

Jackson Resolutions. 114, 115, 116. 



James Bovs, 227. 
Jayhawkers, 133, 135, 188. 
Johnson, Chas. P., 214. 
Johnson, Waldo 1'., 155, 221. 
Joliet, 2. 
Judges Ousted, 199, 201. 

Kansas Troubles, 127, 188. 
Kennett, Luther M., 117. 
Kimball, E. E., 231. 
King, Austin A., 109. 
Know-Nothings, 117, 124, 140. 

Laclede, 9. * 

Lafayette's visit, 74. 
LaSalle, 3. 

Lawrence, Sacking of, 188. 
Lead, 8, 48. 

Legislature, Secession, 182. 
Lewis and Clark Expedition, 32. 
Lewis, Meriwether, 33, 40. 
Lewis, Robert E., 237. 
Lexington, Battle of, 181. 
Liberty Arsenal, 159. 
Little Blue, Battle of, 190. 
Local Option, 228, 229, 
Louisiana, named, 3. 
Louisiana Purchase, 25, 26, 27. 
Louisiana Territory, 28. 
Lucas, Charles, 67. 
Lucas, Judge J. B. C, 30, 67. 
Lyon, Nathaniel, 156, 157, 160, 161, 
162, 167, 170, 174, 177. 

Manumission Day, 196. 

Marmaduke, John S., 171, 228, 230. 

Marmaduke, M. M., 97. 230. 

Marquette, 2. 

Massachusetts, 128. 

Matches, 3 23. 

McClurg. Joseph W., 204, 207. 

McCulloch. General, 176, 177. 

McNair, Alexander, 59, 65. 

Miller, John, 76, 83. 

Militia, 95. 

Missouri : 

acquired by France, 3. 

acquired by Spain. 11. 

acquired by France again, 25. 

acquired by United States, 26. 

organized as territory and named, 
40. 

admitted as State, 63. 
Missouri, Application to become a 
State, 52. 

objections, 53, 54. 

compromise, 58. 

admitted as State, 63. 
Missouri Declares for Union, 150. 
Missouri Indians, 6. 
Missouri Militia. 187, 188. 
Missouri River, named, 2. 
Missouri Territory, named, 41. 
•"Missourians," 130. 
Montgomery's Raid, 133. 
Morehouse. Albert P., 230. 
Mormons Expelled, 89. 



INDEX TO HISTORY OP MISSOURI. 



Ill 



Mormon Troubles, 85. 

jMoss, .James H., 153. 

Moss Resolution. 158. 

Mulattoes. GO, 63. 

Mullins. Maj. A. W., 186, 190. 

Muster Day, 95. 

New Madrid Claims, 37. 

New Madrid Earthquake, 35, 36. 

New Mexico, 100, 1U8. 

Newspapers, first, 32, 42, 86. 

Nullification, 139. 

Number : 

of engagements, 191. 

of soldiers, 192. 
Order No. 11, 188, 189. 
Order No. 24, 183. 
Osage Indians, 5. 
Ousting Officers, 199. 

Patten, David, 89. 

I'eace, 208, 210. 

Pea Ridge, Battle of, 184. 

Pens, Steel, 123. 

Phelps, John S., 98, 148, 204, 225. 

Philips, John F., 187, 190, 203, 212. 

Pike's Expedition, 34. 

Pioneer Life, 45. 

Pirates, 20. 

Platte Purchase, 82. 

Polk, Trusten, 124, 125. 

Pontiac, 13. 

Population : 

1800, 24. 

1810, 51. 

1820, 66. 

1850, 136. 

1900, 242. 
Prairie Fires, 78. 
Pratt, Parley P., 90. 
Preachers Proscribed, 197, 202. 
Preparations for War, 164, 167, 175. 
Price's Raid, 190. 

Price, Sterling, 98, 102, 107, 108, 
118, 119, 148, 151, 164. 166, 
167, 168, 175, 176, 177, 181, 
184, 185. 
Price, Thomas L., 109, 194. 
Proscription, 197. 198, 207. 

Quantrell, 188. 

Railroad debt, 121. 212. 213, 227. 
Railroad Difficulties, 211, 212. 
Railroads, 120, 121, 122. 
Red Legs, 188. 
Reeves. Benjamin, 59, 71. 
Refugees. 183. 
Registration Act. 203. 
Republican Party, 138, 207, 214. 
Reynolds. Thomas, 93. 96. 97. 
Rollins, James S.. 109, 124, 148. 
Ryland, John F., 148. 



Sacking of Lawrence, 188. 
St. Ange, 12. 
St. Charles, 10. 
Ste Genevieve, 8. 
St. Louis : 

settlement, 9. 

British and Indian attack, 19. 
Santa Fe, Capture of, 102. 
Schools : 

father of. 80. 

interruption of, 187, 210. 

number of, 210, 242. 
Scott, John, 57, 68. 
Seal, State, 70. 
Secession, 142, 144. 145, 147, 152, 

192. 
Secessionists, 147. 
Sectional Strife, 52, 138. 
Sewing Machines, 123. 
Shawnees and Delawares, 21. 
Shelby, General, 190. 
Sigel,' General, 173. 
Sisters of Charity, 202. 
Slavery, 52, 53, 56, 58. 113. 
Slaves Emancipated, 196. 
Smith, Joseph, 85, 90. 
Social Relations, 17, 46. 
Soil and Settler, 15, 45, 46. 
Soldiers, Number of, 192. 
Solemn Public Act, 63. 
Spanish Caravan. 6. 
Stanard, E. O., 204. 
State Seal, 70. 
Steamboats, 49. 
Stephens, Lon V.. 238. 
Stewart, Robert M., 126, 143, 148. 
Stone, Wm. J., 226, 234. 
Strikes, 239. 
Supreme Court, 69. 

Tallmadge Resolution. 56. 
Taxes, decrease in, 235. 
Terms of Office, 223. 
Territorial Governors. 30, 40, 41. 
Test Oath, 197, 198. 
Texas, 100. 
Tomatoes, 123. 

Unconditional Union Men, 149. 

Vest, Geo. G.. 226. 

Veto, first, 73. 

Vote on Secession, 150. 

War Declared, 167. 

Warner, Mai. Wm., 233. 

Weightman, Capt., 104, 178. 

Whigs. 93, 94. 

Wilkinson, 30, 31. 

Williams, Abraham J., 71. 

Williams, John F.. 186. 

Wilson's Creek, Battle of, 177. 

Winston, James, 118. 

Woodson, Silas, 215. 



APPENDIX. 



STATE OFFICERS. 

The following lists give the Governors of Missouri during 
its entire history and the names of other officers since Missouri 
became a State, and the dates of their official tenure. 

Spanish Lieutenant-Governors — Pedro Piernas, 1770-75; Fran- 
cisco Cruzat, 1775-78; Fernando De Leyba, 1778-80; Francisco 
Cruzat, 1780-87; Manuel Perez, 1787-92; Zenon Trudeau, 1792-99; 
Carlos Dehault Delassus, 1799-1804. 

Territorial Governors — William Henry Harrison, 1804-05; 
James Wilkinson, 1805-06; James Brown, Secretary and Acting 
Governor, 1806-07; Frederick Bates, Secretary and Acting Gov- 
ernor, May, 1807, to October, 1807; Meriwether Lewis, 1807-09; 
Frederick Bates, Secretary and Acting Governor, 1809-10; Ben- 
jamin Howard, 1810-12; Frederick Bates, Secretary and Acting 
Governor, 1812-13; William Clark, 1813-20. 

State Governors — Alexand'er McNair, 1820-24; Frederick 
Bates, 1824-25; Abraham J. Williams, August to December, 1825; 
John Miller, 1825-32; Daniel Dunklin, 1832-36; L. W. Boggs, 1836- 
40; Thomas Reynolds, 1840-44; M. M. Marmaduke, February to 
November, 1844; John C. Edwards, 1844-48; Austin A. King, De- 
cember, 1848, to January, 1853; Sterling Price, 1853-57; Trusten 
Polk, 1857-57; Robert M. Stewart, 1857-61; Claiborne F. Jackson, 
inaugurated 1861, deposed July 31, 1861, died October, 1862; 
Thomas C. Reynolds in Jackson's stead from October, 1862, till 
1865; Hamilton R. Gamble, Provisional Governor, 1861-64; Willard 
P. Hall in Gamble's place, 1864-65; Thomas C. Fletcher, 1865-69; 
Joseph W. McClug, 1869-71; B. Gratz Brown, 1871-73; Silas 
Woodson, 1873-75; C. H. Hardin, 1875-77; John S. Phelps, 1877- 
81; T. T. Crittenden, 1881-85; John S. Marmaduke, 1885-88; A. P. 

37 



II APPENDIX. 

Morehouse, 1888-89; D. R. Francis, 1889-93; William J. Stone, 
1893-97; Lon V. Stephens, 1897-1901; Alexander M. Dockery, 1901- 
1905; Joseph W. Folk, 1905-. 

Lieutenant-Governors — William H. Ashley, St. Louis, 1820 to 
November, 1824; Benjamin H. Reeves, Howard County, elected in 
1824 and resigned within a few months to become a member of 
the commission which opened up the noted road from Leaven- 
worth to Santa Fe; Daniel Dunklin, Washington County, 1828-32; 
Lilburn W. Boggs, Jackson County, 1832-36; Franklin Cannon, 
Cape Girardeau, 1836-40; M. M. Marmaduke, Saline County, 1840 
to Feburary 9, 1844; James Young, Lafayette County, 1844-48; 
Thomas L. Price, Cole County, December, 1849, to January, 1853; 
Wilson Brown, Cape Girardeau, 1853-57; Hancock Jackson, Ran- 
dolph County, 1857-61; Thomas C. Reynolds, St. Louis, elected 
i860 and office declared vacant July 30, 1861, by the Convention, 
and Willard P. Hall, Buchanan County, chosen to office provision- 
ally and served till January 31, 1864; George Smith, Caldwell 
County, 1865-69; Edwin O. Stanard, St. Louis, 1869-71; Joseph J. 
Gravelly, Cedar County, 1871-73; Charles P. Johnson, St. Louis, 
1873-75; Norman J. Colman, St. Louis, 1875-77; Henry C. Brock- 
meyer, St. Louis. 1877-81; Robert A. Campbell, St. Louis, 1881-85; 
Albert P. Morehouse, Nodaway County, 1885-88; Stephen H. Clay- 
comb, Jasper County, 1889-93; John B. O'Meara, St. Louis, 1893- 
97; A. H. Bolte, Franklin County, 1897-1901; John A. Lee, St. 
Louis, 1901, April, 1903, when he resigned, and Thomas L. Ruby, 
Macon County, President pro terrk of Senate, assumed duties of 
office till January, 1905; John C. McKinley, Putnam County, 1905-. 

Secretaries of State (Appointed by Governor up to 1852; there- 
after elected by the people) — Joshua Barton, St. Louis County, 
1820-21; W. G. Pettus, St. Charles, 1821-24; Hamilton R. Gamble, 
Howard County, 1824-26; Spencer Pettis, St. Louis County, 1826- 
28; P. H. McBride, Boone County, 1829-30; John C. Edwards, Cole 
County, 1830-35; Henry Shurlds, Washington County, 1835-37; 
Peter G. Glover, Callaway County, 1837-39; James L. Minor, 
Marion County, 1839-45; F. M. Martin, Jefferson County, 1845-49; 
Ephraim B. Ewing, Ray County, 1849-53; John M. Richardson, 
Greene County, 1853-57; Benjamin F. Massey, Jasper County, 
1857-61; Mordecai Oliver, Greene County, selected by Convention 
in place of Massey removed, 1861-65; Francis Rodman, Buchanan 



APPENDIX. Ill 

County, 1865-71; E. G. Weigel, St. Louis, 1871-75; M. K. McGrath, 
St. Louis, 1875-89; A. A. Lesueur, Lafayette, 1889-97; A. A. Le- 
sueur, 1897- 1901; Sam B. Cook, Audrain County, 1901-1905; John 
E. Swanger, Sullivan County. 1905-. 

State Treasurers (Appointed by Governor till 1852; thereafter 
elected by the people) — Peter Didier, St. Louis County, 1820-21; 
Nathaniel Simonds, St. Louis County, 1821-28; James Earickson, 
Howard County, 1829-33; John Walker, Cole County, 1833-3S; 
Abraham McClellan, Jackson County, 1838-43; Peter G. Glover, 
Cole County, 1843-51; A. W. Morrison, Howard County, 1851-61; 
George C. Bingham, Jackson County, 1862-65, elected by Conven- 
tion; Wm. Bishop, Cass County, 1865-69; W. Q. Dallmeyer, Gas- 
conade, 1869-71; Samuel Hayes, Buchanan County, 1871-73; Har- 
vey W. Salmon, Henry County, 1873-75; Joseph ]\Iercer, Jackson 
County, 1875-77; Elijah Gates, Buchanan County, 1877-81; Phil. 
Chappell, Cole County, 1881-85; James M. Seibert, Cape Girardeau 
County, 1885-89; Ed. T. Noland, Jackson County, 1889-90; Lon 
V. Stephens, Cooper County, 1890-97; Frank L. Pitts, Monroe 
County, 1897-1901; Robert P. Williams, Howard County, 1901-1905; 
Jacob F. Gmelich, Cooper County, 1905-. 

State Auditors (Appointed by Governor till 1852; thereafter 
elected by the people) — William Christie, St. Louis, 1820-21; W. 
V. Rector, St. Louis, 1821-23; Elias Barcroft, St. Louis, 1823-33; 
Henry Shurlds, Washington County, 1833-35; Peter G. Glover, Cal- 
laway County, 1835-37; Hiram B. Baber, Cole County, 1837-45; 
William Monroe, Morgan County, February to December, 1845: 
J. R. McDearmon, St. Charles, 1845-48; George W. Miller, Cole 
County, 1848-49; Wilson Brown, Cape Girardeau, 1849-53; W. F. 
Buffington, Cole County, 1853-61; W. S. Mosely, New Madrid 
County, 1861-65; Alonzo Thomson, Nodaway County, 1865-69; D. 
M. Draper, Montgomery County, 1869-73; George B. Clark, Wash- 
ington County, 1873-75; Thomas Holladay, Madison County, 1875- 
81; John Walker, Howard County, 1881-89; James M. Seibert, Cape 
Girardeau, 1889-97; James ]\L Seibert, 1897-1901; Albert O, Allen, 
New Madrid County, 1901-1905; William W. Wilder, Ste. Gene- 
vieve, 1905-. 

Attorneys-General — Edward Bates, St, Louis County, 1820-21; 
Rufus Easton, St. Louis, 1820-26; Robert W. Wells, Cole County, 
1826-36; W. B. Napton, Howard County, 1836-39; S. M. Bay, Cole 



IV APPENDIX. 

County, 1839-45; B. F. Stringfellow, Chariton County, 1845-49; 
William A. Robarts, Boone County, 1849-51; James B. Gardenhire, 
Buchanan County, 1851-57; Eph. B. Ewing, Ray County, 1857-59; 
J. Proctor Knott, Scotland County, 1859-61; Aikman Welsh, 
Johnson County, 1861-64, appointed; T. T. Crittenden, Johnson 
County, 1864-65; Robert F. Wingate, St. Louis, 1865-69; Horace 
P. Johnson, Cole County, 1869-71; A. J. Baker, Schuyler County, 
1871-73; H. Clay Ewing, Cole County, 1873-75; John A. Hockaday, 
Callaway County, 1875-77; Jackson L. Smith, Cole County, 1877- 
81; D. H. Mclntyre, Audrain County, 1881-85; B. G. Boone, Henry 
County, 1885-89; John M. Wood, Clark County, 1889-93; Robert 
Frank Walker, Morgan County, 1893-97; Edward C. Crow, Jasper 
County, 1897-1901; Edward C. Crow, 1901-1905; Herbert S. Had- 
ley, Kansas Cit}^ 1905-. 

State Superintendent of Public Schools — Peter G. Glover, Cal- 
laway County, elected by General Assembly, 1839-1841; from 
1841-1854, duties of office performed by Secretary of State; John 
W. Henry, Cooper County, from January to August, 1854, ap- 
pointed by Governor; Edwin C. Davis, August, 1854, to August, 
1856, appointed by Governor; William B. Starke, 1856-1861, ap- 
pointed by Governor. Office abolished in 1861. Office recreated 
in February, 1865, and James H. Robinson appointed March, 1865, 
and later compelled to vacate office because of refusal to take test 
oath; T. A. Parker appointed to fill vacancy in 1865, and elected 
in 1866, and served till 1871; Ira Divoll, January to July, 1871, 
resigned; John Montieth, St. Louis, appointed in 1871 to fill va- 
cancy, and served till 1875; Richard D. Shannon, Buchanan County, 
1875-1879; Richard D. Shannon, 1879-1883; William E. Coleman, 
Saline County, 1883-1887; William E. Coleman, 1887-1891; Lloyd 
E. Wolfe, Randolph County, 1891-1895; John R. Kirk, Kansas City, 
1895-1899; William T. Carrington, Springfield, 1899-1903; William 
T. Carrington, 1903-1907; Howard A. Gass, Cole County, 1907-. 

Speakers of the House of Representatives. — James Caldwell, 
1820-21; Henry S. Geyer, 1821-26; Alex. Stewart, 1826-28; John 
Thornton, 1828-32; Thomas Reynolds, 1832-34; John Jameison, 
1834-38; Thomas H. Harvey, 1838-40; Sterling Price, 1840-44; Clai- 
borne F. Jackson, 1844-48; Alex. M. Robinson, 1848-50; Nathaniel 
W. Watkins, 1850-52; Ruben Shelby, 1852-54; William Newland, 
1854-56; Robert C. Harrison, 1856-57; James Childs, 1857-58; John 



APPENDIX. V 

T. Coffee, 1858-60; Christian Kribben, February to December, i860; 
John ]\IcAfee, i860; Q. L. ^Marvin, 1863-64; Walter L. Lovelace, 
1864-65; Andrew J. Harlan, 1865-69; James C. Orrick, 1869-71; R. 
P. C. Wilson, 1871-73; ]\Iortimer Mcllhaney, 1873-75; B. G. Boone, 
1875-77; John F. Williams, 1877-79; J- Edwin Belch, 1879-81; T. P. 
Bashaw, 1881-83; Joseph S. Richardson, 1883-85; John M. Wood, 
1885-87; Joshua W. Alexander, 1887-89; Joseph J. Russell, 1889-91; 
Wilbur F. Tuttle, 1891-93; Thomas W, Mabrey, Ripley Count]/, 
1893-95; Benj. F. Russell, Crawford County, 1895-97; John \Y. 
Farris, Laclede County, 1897-99; William J. Ward, Stoddard 
County, 1899-1901; James H. Whitecotton, Monroe County, 1901- 
1905; David W. Hill, Butler County, 1905-1907; John M. Atkinson, 
Ripley County, 1907-. 

JUDGES OF SUPREME COURT. 

Appointed by Governor till 1851; thereafter elected by the 
people. ]\Iathias McGirk, ^Montgomery County, 1822-41; William 
Scott, Cole County, 1841-62, and then removed for failure to file 
oath; John D. Cook, Cape Girardeau, 1822-23; Rufus Pettibone, 
Pike County, 1823-25; Robert Wash, St. Louis, 1825-37; John C, 
Edwards, ]\Iay to December, 1837; William B. Napton, Saline 
County, 1839-52; John F. Ryland, 1852-58; W. B. Napton, 1858-62, 
and then removed for failure to file oath; John Rice Jones, Pike 
County, 1822-24; George Tompkins, Howard County, 1824-45; P. 
H. McBride, ]\Ionroe County, 1845-49; James H. Birch, Clinton 
County, 1849-52; Hamilton R. Gamble, St. Louis, 1851-54; Abiel 
Leonard, Howard County, 1855-58; John C. Richardson, Daviess 
County, 1858-59; Ephriam B. Ewing, Ray County, 1859-62, and 
then removed by convention for failure to sign oath; Barton Bates, 
St. Charles, W. V. N. Bay, Franklin County, J. D. S. Dryden, 
Marion County, appointed in January, 1862, by Governor Gamble, 
elected by people 1863, and ousted by Convention of 1865, Bates 
resigning, and Dryden and Bay being removed by Governor 
Fletcher. David Wagner, appointed, 1865-69; Nathaniel Holmes, 
1865-68; James Baker, 1868-69; W. L. Lovelace, 1865-66; T. J. C. 
Flagg, 1866-69. In 1868 three judges were elected; David Wagner, 
Scotland County, for six years, 1869-75; Warren Currier, 1869-73; 
Philemon Bliss, Boone County, for two years, 1869-71; Currier re- 
signed in 1871, and Washington Adams, Cooper County, was ap- 



VI APPENDIX. 

pointed till 1873. Henry M. Vories, St. Joseph, 1873-79; Wash- 
ington Adams, 1873-75; Ephraim B. Ewing, from January to June, 
1873, deceased, and W. B. Napton appointed to fill vacancy till 
January, 1875, then elected and served till 1881; Thomas A. Sher- 
wood, Greene County, 1873-1903; Warwick Hough, Jackson County, 
1875-85; John W. Henry, Macon County, 1877-87; Elijah H. Nor- 
ton, Platte County, 1879-89; Robert D. Ray, Carroll County, 1881- 
91; Francis M. Black, Jackson County, 1885-95; Theodore Brace, 
Monroe County, 1887-1907; Shepard Barclay, St. Louis, 1889-1897, 
resigned, and William M. Williams, Boonville, appointed to va- 
cancy; James B. Gantt, Henry County, 1891 to present time; John 
L, Thomas, Jefferson County (appointed), 1891-93; George B. 
Macfarlane, Audrain County (appointed), 1891-93; George B. IMac- 
farlane, elected in 1892, and died in 1898, and William C. Mar- 
shall, St. Louis, appointed to vacancy; Gavon D. Burgess, Linneus, 
1893 to present time; Waltour M. Robinson, Jasper County, 1895- 
1905; William C. Marshall, 1899-1906, resigned, and Waller W. 
Graves, Bates County, appointed to vacancy, and elected in 1906 
for balance of term, two years; Leroy B. Valliant, 1899 to pres- 
ent time; James D. Fox, Madison County, 1903 to present time; 
Henry Lamm, Sedalia, 1905 to present time. 

Since 1873 the term of the office of Supreme Judge has been 
ten years. In case of a vacancy, the Governor appoints, and the 
appointee holds until next general election, when his successor is 
elected. 

UNITED STATES SENATORS. 

(A) 

David Barton, Howard County, 1821-30; Alex. Buckner, Cape 
Girardeau, 1830-33; Lewis F. Linn, Ste. Genevieve, 1833-43; David 
R. Atchison, Platte County, 1843-55 — "o successor till 1857; James 
S. Green, Lewis County, 1857-61; Waldo P. Johnson, St. Clair 
County, elected, resigned and expelled in 1861; Robert W^ilson, An- 
drew County, 1862-63; B. Gratz Brown, St. Louis, 1863-67; Charles 
D. Drake, St. Louis, 1867-70; D. T. Jewett, St. Louis, 1870-71; 
Frank P. Blair, St. Louis, 1871-73; Lewis V. Bogy, St. Louis, 1873- 
77; D. H. Armstrong, St. Louis, 1877-79; James Shields, Carroll 
County, 1879-79; George G. Vest, Pettis County, 1879-1903; Wil- 
liam J. Stone, St. Louis, 1903-. 



APPENDIX. VII 



Thomas H. Benton, St. Louis, 1821-51; H. S. Geyer, St. Louis, 
1851-575 Trusten Polk, 1857-61, resigned and was expelled; John 
B. Henderson, Pike County, 1862-69; Carl Schurz, St. Louis, 1869- 
75; Francis M. Cockrell, Johnson County, 1875-1905; William War- 
ner, Kansas City, 1905-. 

REPRESENTATIVES IN CONGRESS. 

17th, i8th and 19th Congress (1821-27) — John Scott, Ste. Gene- 
vieve. 

20th Congress (1827-29) — Edward Bates, St. Louis. 

21 St Congress (1829-31) — Spencer Pettis, St. Louis. 

22nd Congress (1831-33) — William H. Ashley, St. Louis. 

23rd Congress (1833-35) — William H. Ashley, St. Louis, and John 
Bull, Howard County. (Elections by general ticket till 
1846.) 

24th Congress (1835-37) — W^illiam H. Ashley, St. Louis, and Al- 
bert G. Harrison, Callaway County. 

25th Congress (1837-39) — John Miller and Albert G. Harrison. 

26th Congress (1839-41) — John Miller and John Jameison, Calla- 
way County. 

27th Congress (1841-43) — John Miller and John C. Edwards. 

28th Congress (1843-45) — James M. Hughes, Clay County; James 
H. Relfe, Washington County; John Jameison, Callaway 
County; James B. Bowlin, St. Louis, and Gustavus M. 
Bower, Monroe County. 

20th Congress (1845-47) — ^James B. Bowlin, St. Louis; James H. 
Relfe, Washington County; Sterling Price. Chariton 
County (resigned and was succeeded by William Mc- 
Daniel, Marion County) ; John S. Phelps, Greene County, 
and Leonard H. Sims, Greene County. 

30th Congress (1847-49) — ist District, James B. Bowlin, St. Louis; 
2nd, John Jameison, Callaway County; 3rd, James S. 
Green, Lewis County; 4th, Willard P. Hall, St. Joseph; 
5th, John S. Phelps, Springfield. 

31st Congress (1849-51) — ist District, James B. Bowlin; 2nd, W. 
V. N. Bay, Franklin County; 3rd, James S. Green; 4th, 
Willard P. Hall; 5th, John S. Phelps. 



VIII APPENDIX. 

32nd Congress (1851-53) — ist District, John F. Darby, St. Louis; 
2nd, Gilchrist Porter, Pike County; 3rd, John G. Miller, 
Cooper County; 4th, Willard P. Hall; 5th, John S. Phelps. 

33rd Congress (1853-55) — ist District, Thomas H. Benton, St. 
Louis; 2nd, Alfred W. Lamb, Marion County; 3rd, John 
G. Miller; 4th, Mordecai Oliver, Ray County; 5th, John 
S. Phelps; at large, James J. Lindley, Lewis County, and 
Samuel Caruthers, Madison County. 

34th Congress (1855-57) — ist District, L. M. Kennett, St. Louis; 
2nd, Gilchrist Porter; 3rd, J. J. Lindley; 4th, Mordecai 
Oliver; 5th, Thomas P. Akers, Lafayette County; 6th, John 
S. Phelps; 7th, Samuel Caruthers. 

35th Congress (1857-59) — ist District, Francis P. Blair, St. Louis; 
2nd, T. L. Anderson, Monroe County; 3rd, John B. Clark, 
Howard County; 4th, James Craig, St. Joseph; 5th, Sam- 
uel H. Woodson, Jackson County; 6th, John S. Phelps; 
7th, Samuel Caruthers. 

36th Congress (1859-61) — ist District, J. R. Barrett, St. Louis; 2nd, 
T. L. Anderson; 3rd, John B. Clark; 4th, James Craig; 5th, 
S. H. Woodson; 6th, John S. Phelps; 7th. John W. Noell, 
St. Francois County. 

37th Congress (1861-63) — ist District, Francis P. Blair (resigned 
and J. R. Barrett elected); 2nd, James S. Rollins, Boone 
County; 3rd, John B. Clark (expelled and William A. Hall 
elected in his stead); 4th, E. H. Norton, Platte County; 
5th, John W. Reid, Jackson County (expelled and Thomas 
L. Price, Cole County, elected); 6th, John S. Phelps; 7th, 
John W. Noell. 

38th Congress (1863-65) — ist District, James Knox, St. Louis; 2nd, 
Henry T. Blow, St. Louis; 3rd, John W. Noell (died, and 
John G. Scott, Jefferson County, elected) ; 4th, Sem- 
phronius H. Boyd, Greene County; 5th, Joseph W. Mc- 
Clurg, Camden County; 6th, Austin A. King, Ray County; 
7th, Benjamin F. Loan, Buchanan County; 8th, William A. 
Hall, Randolph County; 9th, James S. Rollins. 

39th Congress (1865-67) — ist District, John Hogan, St. Louis; 2nd, 
Henry T. Blow; 3rd, Thomas Noell, St. Francois County; 
4th, John R. Kelsoe; 5th, Joseph W. McClurg; 6th, Robert 
T. Van Horn, Kansas City; 7th, Benjamin F. Loan, Bu- 
chanan County; 8th, John F. Benjamin, Shelby County; 
9th, George W. Anderson, Pike County. 



APPENDIX. IX 

40th Congress (1867-69) — ist District, William A. Pile, St. Louis; 
2nd, C. A. Nevvcombe; 3rd, Thomas E. Noell (deceased, 
and J. R. AlcCormick, Iron County, elected); 4th, J. J 
Gravelly, Cedar County; 5th, Joseph W. McClurg (re- 
signed, and John H. Stover, Morgan County, elected) ; 6th, 
R. T. Van Horn; 7th, B. F. Loan; 8th, John F. Benjamin; 
9th, George W. Anderson. 

41st Congress (1869-71) — ist District, Erastus Wells, St. Louis; 2nd, 
G. A. Finkelnburg, St. Louis; 3rd, J. R. McCormick; 4th, 
S. H. Boyd, Greene County; 5th, S. S. Burdette, St. Clair 
County; 6th, Robert T. Van Horn; 7th, Joel F. Asper, Liv- 
ingston County; 8th, J. F. Benjamin; 9th, Pat Dyer, Pike 
County. 

42nd Congress (1871-73) — ist District, Erastus Wells; 2nd, G. A. 
Finkelnburg; 3rd, J. R, McCormick; 4th, H. E. Havens, 
Greene County; 5th, S. S. Burdette; 6th, A. Comingo, 
Jackson County; 7th, L C. Parker, St. Joseph; 8th, James 
G. Blair, Lewis County; 9th, Andrew King, St. Charles 
County. 

43rd Congress (1873-75) — ist District, E. O. Stanard, St. Louis; 
2nd, Erastus Wells; 3rd, W. H. Stone, St. Louis; 4th, Robt. 
A, Hatcher, New Madrid; 5th, Richard P. Bland, Laclede 
County; 6th, H. E. Havens; 7th, T. T. Crittenden, John- 
son County; 8th, Abram Comingo; 9th, L C. Parker; loth, 
L B.' Hyde, Mercer County; nth, John B. Clark, Jr.. 
Howard County; 12th, John M. Glover, Lewis County; 
13th, A. H. Buckner, Audrain County. 

44th Congress (1875-77) — ist District, Edward C. Kehr, St. Louis; 
2nd, Erastus Wells, St. Louis; 3rd, Wm. H. Stone, St. 
Louis; 4th, Robt. A. Hatcher; 5th, Richard P. Bland; 6th, 
Chas. H. Morgan, Lamar; 7th, John F. Philips, Sedalia; 
8th, Benjamin J. Franklin, Kansas City; 9th, David Rea, 
Savannah; loth, Rezin A. DeBolt, Trenton; nth, John B. 
Clark, Jr.; 12th, John ]\I. Glover, La Grange; 13th, Aylett 
H. Buckner, Mexico. 

45th Congress (1877-79) — ist District, Anthony Ittner, St. Louis; 
2nd, Nathan Cole, St. Louis; 3rd, Lyne S. Metcalf, St. 
Louis; 4th, Robt. A. Hatcher; 5th, Richard P. Bland; 6th, 
Chas. H. Morgan; 7th, T. T. Crittenden; 8th, Benjamin 
J. Franklin; 9th, David Rea; loth, Henry M. Pollard, Chil- 



X APPENDIX. 

licothe; nth, John B. Clark, Jr.; 12th, John M. Glover; 
13th, Aylett H. Buckner. 

46th Congress (1879-81)— ist District, Martin L. Clardy, Farming- 
ton; 2nd, Erastus Wells, St. Louis; 3rd, R. Graham Frost, 
St. Louis; 4th, Lowndes H. Davis, Cape Girardeau; 5th, 
Richard P. Bland; 6th, James R. Waddill, Springfield; 7th, 
Alfred M. Lay, Jefferson City (died 1879, John F. Philips, 
elected); 8th, Sam L. Sawyer, Independence; 9th, Nicholas 
Ford, Andrew County; loth, Gideon F. Rothw^ell, Moberly; 
nth, John B. Clark, Jr.; 12th, Wm. H. Hatch, Hannibal; 
13th, Aylett H. Buckner. 

47th Congress (1881-83)— ist District, Martin L. Clardy; 2nd, 
Thos. Allen, St. Louis, died, and succeeded by James H. 
McLean, St. Louis; 3rd, R. Graham Frost; 4th, Lowndes 

> H. Davis; 5th, Richard P. Bland; 6th, Ira S. Hazeltine, 

Springfield; 7th, Theron M. Rice, Boonville; 8th, R. T, 
Van Horn; 9th, Nicholas Ford; loth, Joseph H. Burrows, 
Gainesville; nth, John B. Clark, Jr.; 12th, Wm. H. Hatch; 
13th, Aylett H. Buckner. 

48th Congress (1883-85)— ist District, W. H. Hatch; 2nd, Arm- 
stead M. Alexander, Paris; 3rd, Alexander M. Dockery, 
Gallatin; 4th, James N. Burnes, St. Joseph; 5th, Alex. 
Graves, Lexington; 6th, John Cosgrove, Boonville; 7th, 
Aylett H. Buckner; 8th, John J. O'Neill, St. Louis; 9th, 
James O. Broadhead, St. Louis; loth, Martin L. Clardy; 
nth, Richard P. Bland; 12th, Chas. H. Morgan; 13th, 
Robert W. Fyan, Marshfield; 14th, Lowndes H. Davis. 

49th Congress (1885-87) — ist District, Wm. H. Hatch; 2nd, John 
B. Hale, Carrollton; 3rd, Alex. M. Dockery; 4th, James 
N. Burnes; 5th, Wm. Warner, Kansas City; 6th, John T. 
Heard, Sedalia; 7th, John E. Hutton, Mexico; 8th, John 
J. O'Neil; 9th, John M. Glover, St. Louis; loth, Martin L. 
Clardy; nth, Richard P. Bland; 12th, Wm. J. Stone, Ne- 
vada; 13th, Wm. H. Wade, Springfield; 14th, Wm. Daw- 
son, New Madrid. 

50th Congress (1887-89) — ist District, Wm. H. Hatch; 2nd, Chas. 
H. Mansur, Chillicothe; 3rd, Alex. M. Dockery; 4th, James 
N. Burnes (died 1889, Chas. F. Booher, Savannah, elect- 
ed); 5th, Wm. Warner; 6th, John T. Heard; 7th, J. E. 
Hutton; 8th, John J. O'Neil; 9th, John M. Glover; loth, 



APPENDIX. XI 

]\Iartin L. Clardy; nth, Richard P. Bland; 12th, Wm. J. 
Stone; 13th, Wm. H. \\'ade; 14th, James P. Walker, Dex- 
ter. 

51st Congress (1889-91) — ist District, Wm. H. Hatch; 2nd, Chas. 
H. Mansur, Chillicothe; 3rd, Alex. M. Dockery; 4th, Robt. 
P. C. Wilson, Platte City; 5th, John C. Tarsney, Kansas 
City; 6th, John T. Heard; 7th, Richard H. Norton, Troy; 
8th, F. G. Xiedringhaus, St. Louis; 9th, Nathan Frank, St. 
Louis; loth, Wm. H. Kinsey, St. Louis; nth, Richard P. 
Bland; 12th, Wm. J. Stone; 13th, Wm. H. W^ade; 14th, 
James P. Walker (died, R. H. Whitelaw, Cape Girardeau, 
elected). 

52nd Congress (1891-93) — ist District, Wm. H. Hatch; 2nd, Chas. 
H. Mansur; 3d, Alex. M. Dockery; 4th, R. P. C. Wilson; 
5th, John C. Tarsney; 6th, J. T. Heard; 7th, R. H. Norton; 
8th, J. J. O'Neil; 9th, Seth W. Cobb, St. Louis; loth, Sam 
Byrns, Potosi; nth, R. P. Bland; 12th, David A. DeAr- 
mond, Butler; 13th, R. W. Fyan, Marshfield; 14th, ^lar- 
shall Arnold, Benton. 

53rd Congress (1893-95) — ist District, Wm. H. Hatch; 2nd, Uriel 
S. Hall. Randolph County; 3rd, Alex. 'SI. Docker}-; 4th, 
Daniel D. Burnes; 5th, John C. Tarsney; 6th, David A. 
DeArmond, Bates County; 7th, J. T. Heard; 8th, Richard 
P. Bland, Lebanon; 9th, Champ Clark, Pike County; loth, 
Richard Bartholdt, St. Louis; nth, Chas. F. Joy, St. Louis; 
I2th, Seth W. Cobb, St. Louis; 13th, Robert W. Fyan, 
Webster County; 14th, Marshall Arnold, Scott County; 
15th, Charles H. Morgan, Barton County. 

54th Congress (1895-97) — ist District, Chas. N. Clark, Hannibal; 
2nd, Uriel S. Hall, Randolph County; 3rd, Alex. ^L Dock- 
ery, Gallatin; 4th, Geo. C. Crowther, St. Joseph; 5th, John 
C. Tarsney, Kansas City; 6th, David A. DeArmond; 7th, 
John P. Tracey, Springfield; 8th, Joel D. Hubbard, Mor- 
gan County; 9th, Wm. M. Treloar, ]\lexico; loth, Richard 
Bartholdt, St. Louis; nth, Chas. F. Joy, St. Louis; 12th, 
Seth W. Cobb, St. Louis; 13th, John H. Rane}-, Piedmont; 
14th, Norman A, ]^Iozley, Dexter; 15th, Charles G. Bur- 
ton, Nevada. 

55th Congress (1897-99) — ist District. James T. Lloyd, Shelby- 
ville; 2nd, Robert N. Bodine, Paris; 3rd, Alex. ^L Docker}-, 



XII APPENDIX. 

Gallatin; 4th, Charles F. Cochran, St. Joseph; 5th, William 
S. Cowherd, Kansas City; 6th, D. A. DeArmond, Butler; 
7th, James A. Cooney, Marshall; 8th, Richard P. Bland, 
Lebanon; 9th, Champ Clark, Bowling Green; loth, Rich- 
ard Bartholdt, St. Louis; nth, Charles F. Joy, St. Louis; 
I2th, Charles E. Pearce, St. Louis; 13th, Edward A. Robb, 
Perryville; 14th, Willard D. Vandiver, Cape Girardeau; 
15th, M. E. Benton, Neosho. 

56th Congress (1899-1900) — ist District, James T. Lloyd, Shelby- 
ville; 2nd, William W. Rucker, Keytesville; 3rd, John 
Dougherty, Liberty; 4th, Charles F. Cochran, St. Joseph; 
5th, William S. Cowherd, Kansas City; 6th, David A, De- 
Armond, Butler; 7th, James Cooney, Marshall; 8th, Rich- 
ard P, Bland, died, and Dorsey W. Shackleford, Boonville, 
elected; 9th, Champ Clark, Bowling Green; loth, Richard 
Bartholdt, St. Louis; nth, Charles F. Joy, St. Louis; 12th, 
Charles E. Pearce, St. Louis; 13th, Edward Robb, Perry- 
ville; 14th, Willard D. Vandiver, Cape Girardeau; 15th, 
Maecenas E. Benton, Neosho. 

57th Congress (1901-1903) — ist District, James T. Lloyd, Shelb}-- 
ville; 2nd, William W. Rucker, Keytesville; 3rd, John 
Dougherty, Liberty; 4th, Charles F. Cochran, St. Joseph; 
5th, William S. Cowherd, Kansas City; 6th, David A. De- 
Armond, Butler; 7th, James Cooney, Marshall; 8th, Dor- 
sey W^ Shackleford, Jefferson City; 9th, Champ Clark, 
Bowling Green; loth, Richard Bartholdt, St. Louis; nth, 
Charles F. Joy, St. Louis; 12th, George C. R. Wag- 
oner, St. Louis; 13th, Edward Robb, Perryville; 14th, Wil- 
lard D. Vandiver, Cape Girardeau; 15th, Maecenas E. Ben- 
ton, Neosho. 

58th Congress (1903-1905) — ist District, James T. Lloyd, Shelby- 
ville; 2nd, William W. Rucker, Keytesville; 3rd, John 
Dougherty, Liberty; 4th, Charles F. Cochran, St. Joseph; 
5th, William S. Cowherd, Kansas City; 6th, D. A. De- 
Armond, Butler; 7th, C. W. Hamlin, Springfield; 8th, D. 
W. Shackleford, Jefferson City; 9th, Champ Clark, Bowl- 
ing Green; loth, Richard Bartholdt, St. Louis; nth, John 
T. Hunt, St. Louis; 12th, James J. Butler, St. Louis; 13th, 
Edward Robb, Perryville; 14th, W. D. Vandiver, Cape 
Girardeau; 15th, M. E. Benton, Neosho; i6th, Robert La- 
mar, Houston. 



APPENDIX. XIII 

59th Congress (1905-1907) — ist District, James T. Lloyd, Shelby- 
ville; 2nd, W. W. Rucker, Keytesville; 3rd, Frank B. 
Klepper, Kingston; 4th, Frank B. Fulkerson, St. Joseph; 
5th, Edgar C. Ellis, Kansas City; 6th, D. A. DeArmond, 
Butler; 7th, John Welborn, Lexington; 8th, D. W. Shackle- 
ford; 9th, Champ Clark, Bowling Green; loth, Richard 
Bartholdt, St. Louis; nth, John T. Hunt, St. Louis; 12th, 
Harry M. Coudrey, St. Louis; 13th, Marion Edw. Rhodes, 
Potosi; 14th, William T. Tyndall, Sparta; 15th, Cassius 
M. Shartel, Neosho; i6th, Arthur P. Murphy, Crocker. 

60th Congress (1907-1909) — ist District, James T. Lloyd, Shelby- 
ville; 2nd, W. W. Rucker, Keytesville; 3rd, Joshua \V. 
Alexander, Gallatin; 4th, Charles Booher, Savannah; Sth, 
Edgar C. Ellis, Kansas City; 6th, D. A. DeArmond, But- 
ler; 7th, C. W. Hamlin, Springfield; Sth, D. W. Shackle- 
ford, Jefferson City; 9th, Champ Clark, Bowling Green; 
loth, Richard Bartholdt, St. Louis; nth, Henry S. Caul- 
lield, St. Louis; 12th, Harry M. Coudrey, St. Louis; 13th, 
Madison R. Smith, Farmington; 14th, Joseph J. Russell, 
Charleston; 15th, Thomas Hackney, Carthage; i6th, 
Robert Lamar, Houston. 

CIRCUIT JUDGES AT PRESENT TIME. 

First Judicial Circuit, Charles D. Stewart, Edina; 2nd, Nathaniel 
M. Shelton, Macon; 3rd, George W. Wannamaker, Bethany; 4th, 
William C. Ellison, Maryville; 5th, Alonzo D. Burnes, Platte City; 
6th, Henry M. Ramey and Chesley A. Mosman, St. Joseph; 7th, 
Frank B. Trimble, Liberty; Sth (St. Louis City), Daniel G. Tay- 
lor, William M. Kinsey, Jesse A. ^McDonald, Mathew G. Rey- 
nolds, Robert M. Foster, George H. Williams, Daniel D. Fisher, 
Hugo Muench, Moses N. Sale, George D. Shields, James E. With- 
row and Charles C. Allen, St. Louis; 9th, Alexander H. Waller, 
Moberly; loth, David H. Eby, Hannibal; nth, James D. Barnett, 
Montgomery City; 12th, John P. Butler, Milan; 13th, John W. Mc- 
Ilhinney, Clayton; 14th, William H. Martin, Boonville; 15th, Sam- 
uel Davis, Marshall; i6th (Jackson County), John G. Park, Her- 
man Brumback, Henry L. McCune, James E. Goodrich, Walter 
A. Powell, James H. Slover and Edward E. Porteriield, Kansas City; 
17th, Nick M. Bradley, Warrensburg; iSth, Argus Cox, Bolivar; 19th, 
Leigh B. Woodside, Salem; 20th, W. N. Evans, West Plains; 21st, 



XIV APPENDIX. 

Joseph W. Williams, Hillsbpro; 22nd, James L, Fort, Dexter; 23rd, 
James T. Neville, Springfield; 24th, F. C. Johnston, Pierce City; 
25th (Jasper County), Howard Gray, Carthage, and Hugh Dabbs, 
Joplin; 26th, Berry G. Thurman, Lamar; 27th, Charles A. Killian, 
Perryville; 28th, Henry C. Riley, New Madrid; 29th, Charles A. 
Denton, Butler; 30th, Louis Hoffman, Sedalia; 31st, John T. 
Moore, Galena; 32nd, Robert S. Ryors, Linn; 33rd, J. C. Shep- 
pard, Doniphan. 

The Judges of the Criminal Courts are: William H. Wallace, 
Kansas City; Benj. J. Casteel, St. Joseph; A. W. Lincoln, Spring- 
field; John A. Rich, Slater; and for the Juvenile Court in St. Louis, 
Wilson A. Taylor. 

THE ORGANIZATION OF THE COUNTIES. 

Originally there were five districts or counties in the Ter- 
ritor3% viz.: St. Louis, St. Charles, Ste. Genevieve, Cape Girar- 
deau and New Madrid. The various sessions of the Legislature, 
both in the Territorial days and after Missouri became a State, 
organized counties as follows: 

Li 1813— Jefferson, Franklin, Wayne, Lincoln, Pike, Madison, 
Montgomery and Cooper. In 1820 — Lillard, Perry, Ray, Cole, 
Chariton, Ralls, Saline, Gasconade, Boone and Callaway. In 1821 — 
St. Francois and Scott. In 1822 — Clay. In 1826 — Jackson, Marion 
and Lafayette (changed from Lillard). In 1829 — Crawford. In 
1830-31 — Randolph. In 1832-33 — Carroll, Clinton, Greene, Mon- 
roe, Lewis, Morgan, Pettis, Pulaski, Ripley, Warren and St. Clair. 
In 1834-35 — Barry, Henry, Benton, Johnson, Polk, Shelby, Stod- 
dard, Cass and Van Buren. In 1836-37 — Audrain, Caldwell, Clark, 
Daviess, Linn, Livingston, Macon, Miller and Taney. In 183S- 
39 — Newton, Platte and Buchanan. In 1841 — Adair, Andrew, Shan- 
non, Bates, Camden (changed from Kinderhook), Dade, Gentry, 
Grundy, Holt, Jasper, Scotland and Wright. In 1842 — Dallas, 
Osage and Ozark. Li 1845 — Atchison, Dunklin, Harrison, Knox, 
Mercer, Mississippi, Moniteau, Nodaway, Putnam, Reynolds, 
Schuyler, Sullivan, Texas and Hickory. In 1849 — Butler, McDon- 
ald, Laclede and Stone. In 1851 — Bollinger and Vernon. In 1855 
— Barton, Maries and Webster. In 1857 — Douglas, Howell, Iron 
and Phelps. In 1859 — Carter. In i860 — Christian. In 1861 — 
Pemiscot and Worth. These dates show the movement of popu- 



APPENDIX. 



XV 



lation and the disposition of the people, as soon as they became 
sufficiently numerous, to separate from the old mother counties 
and form new ones of their own. 



MEMBERS OF THE CONVENTION OF 1861. 



Xame. County. 

J. S. Allen Harrison 

Eli E. Bass Boone 

Geo. Y. Bast Montgomery 

R. A. Brown Cass 

Orson Bartlett Stoddard 

J. H. Birch..... Clinton 

Joseph Bogy....Ste. Genevieve 
S. AI. Breckenridge. . . St. Louis 

J. O. Broadhead St. Louis 

H. E. Bridge St. Louis 

Tsidor Bush St. Louis 

J. R. Chenault Jasper 

Samuel C. Collier Madison 

A. Comingo Jackson 

R. W. Crawford Lawrence 

Robert Calhoun Callaway 

M. P. Cayce St. Francois 

R. W. Donnell Buchanan 

Geo. W. Dunn Ray 

^^'m. Douglas Cooper 

Charles D. Drake St. Louis 

A. W. Doniphan Clay 

C. D. Eitzen Gasconade 

R. B. Frayser St. Charles 

Joseph Flood Callawaj- 

John D. Foster Adair 

X. F. Givens Clark 

H. AL Gorin Scotland 

H. R. Gamble St. Louis 

T. T. Gantt St. Louis 

J. J. Gravelly Cedar 

A. S. Harbin Barr^/ 

R. A. Hatcher New Madrid 

V.^ B. Hill Pulaski 

W. J. Howell Monroe 

Prince L. Hudgins Andrew 

Willard P. Hall Buchanan 

William A. Hall Randolph 

Henry Hitchcock St. Louis 

Robert Holmes St. Louis 

John Holt Dent 

Harrison Hough .... Mississippi 



Name. County. 

John How St. Louis 

John B. Henderson Pike 

Littleberry Hendrick .... Greene 

J. ^l. Irwin Shelb}^ 

Z. Isbell Osage 

William Jackson Putnam 

R. W. Jamison Webster 

J. W. Johnson Polk 

J. Proctor Knott Cole 

C. G. Kidd Henry 

W. T. Leeper Wayne 

AL L. L. Linton St. Louis 

John F. Long St. Louis 

J. T. Matson Ralls 

A. W. Maupin Franklin 

J. H. Moss Clay 

Vincent Marmaduke Saline 

A. C. Marvin Henry 

J. W. McClurg Camden 

J. R. McCormick Perry 

Nelson McDowell Dade 

James McFerrain Daviess 

Ferd. Meyer St. Louis 

W. L. Morrow Dallas 

E. H. Norton Platte 

J. C. Noell Bollinger 

Sample Orr Greene 

John F. Philips Pettis 

W^m. G. Pomeroy . . . . Crawford 

Philip Pipkin Iron 

Sterling Price Chariton 

J. P. Ross Morgan 

R. D. Ray Carroll 

J. T. Redd Marion 

C. G. Rankin Jefferson 

M. H. Ritchey Newton 

Fred Rowland Macon 

S. L. Sawyer Lafayette 

E. K. Sayre Lewis 

J. K. Sheeley Jackson 

Robert M. Stewart. .. Buchanan 
Thos. Scott Miller 



XVI 



APPENDIX. 



Name. County. 

Thos. Shackelford .... Howard 

J. H, Shackelford St. Louis 

Jacob Smith Linn 

Sol. Smith St. Louis 

J. T. Tindall Grundy 

W. W. Turner Laclede 

J. G. Waller Warren 

N. W. Watkins Scott 



Name. County. 

Warren Woodson Boone 

A. M. Woolfolk Livingston 

Uriel Wright St. Louis 

Aikman Welch Johnson 

Robert Wilson Buchanan 

Ellzey Van Buskirk Holt 

G. W. Zimmerman Lincoln 



MEMBERS OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION 

OF 1875. 



Name. County. 

Waldo P. Johnson, 

President St. Clair 

Nathaniel W. Watkins, 

Vice-President Scott 

A. M. Alexander Monroe 

W. Adams Cooper 

D. C. Allen Clay 

F. M. Black Jackson 

H. C. Brockmeyer. . . . St. Louis 
H. Boone DeKalb 

G. W. Bradfield Laclede 

J. O. Broadhead St. Louis 

G. W. Carlton Pemiscot 

Wm. Chrisman Jackson 

L. F. Cotty Knox 

S. R. Crockett Vernon 

T. W. B. Crews Franklin 

E. V. Conway St. Francois 

L. J. Dryden Warren 

B. R. Dysart Macon 

L. H. Davis. .. .Cape Girardeau 
J. C. Edwards St. Louis 

C. D. Eitzen Gasconade 

J. F. T. Edwards Iron 

R. W. Fyan Webster 

J. L. Farris Ray 

L. Gottschalk St. Louis 

J. Hyer Dent 

T. T. Gantt St. Louis 

J. A. Holliday Caldwell 

J.. B. Hale.. ...Carroll 

W. Halliburton Sullivan 

C. Hammond Chariton 

N. C. Hardin Pike 

T. J. Johnston Nodaway 



Name. County. 

H. B. Johnson Cole 

H. C. Lackland St. Charles 

A. M. Lay Cole 

W. H. Letcher Saline 

E. McCabe Marion 

A. V. McKee Lincoln 

M. McKellop Atchison 

P. Mabrey Ripley 

B. F. Massey Newton 

H. T. Mudd....; St. Louis 

N. A. Mortell St. Louis 

C. B. McAfee Greene 

J. H. Maxey Howell 

E. H. Norton Platte 

E. A. Nickerson Johnson 

William Priest Ralls 

Joseph Pulitzer St. Louis 

P. Pipkin Jefferson 

J. H. Rider Bollinger 

J. P. Ross Morgan 

J. R. Rippey Schuyler 

J. F. Rucker Boone 

J. W. Ross Polk 

J. C. Roberts Buchanan 

John Ray Barry 

Wm. F. Switzler Boone 

J. H. Shanklin Grundy 

Thomas Shackelford . . . Howard 

H. J. Spaunhorst St. Louis 

Geo. H. Shields St. Louis 

J. H. Taylor Jasper 

A. R. Taylor St. Louis 

A. Todd St. Louis 

Levi J. Wagner Scotland 

H. C. Wallace Lafayette 



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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




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